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Artifacts
by Scott G. Ortman
1
This report synthesizes information
on portable artifacts collected during excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
It also compares artifacts from Woods Canyon Pueblo with those from other
Mesa Verde-tradition sites dating from the Pueblo III period in southwestern
Colorado. The tables and charts in this report were produced using the
artifact databases as they existed in August 2000. I am not aware of any
provenience changes that have been made since that time, but slight discrepancies
between the data discussed in this report and those contained in the database
may develop over time if errors in the database are found and corrected.
However, it is likely that any such changes will be minor and will not
affect any of the conclusions presented in this report.
Processing of Artifacts in the Laboratory
2
All objects collected during the excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo
were processed according to Crow Canyon's standard laboratory procedures,
which are described in Crow Canyon's on-line laboratory
manual.
Definitions of Analytic Categories
3
All objects were classified into various stone, bone, pottery,
vegetal, and other categories, as defined in the Crow Canyon laboratory
manual.
Disposition of Materials
Curation
4
With the exception of wood samples submitted for tree-ring dating,
all artifacts, ecofacts, and other samples from Woods Canyon Pueblo, as
well as original field and laboratory documentation, are curated at the
Anasazi
Heritage Center, 27501 Hwy. 184, Dolores, Colorado, USA. The collections
are indexed to artifact databases, which are curated at both Crow Canyon
and the Heritage Center and are accessible on-line in The
Woods Canyon Pueblo Database and the research
database; materials are available for future study through the Heritage
Center. Dated tree-ring samples and additional samples that might be datable
in the future are stored at the Laboratory
of Tree-Ring Research, University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA.
Several large roof timbers were found on the modern ground surface when
Woods Canyon Pueblo was mapped (see Lipe
1995*2). A portion of each timber was submitted to the tree-ring lab,
and the remaining portions are currently stored at Crow Canyon.
Repatriation
5
As of this writing, isolated, fragmentary human skeletal remains
inadvertently collected during field screening of sediments at Woods Canyon
Pueblo are in the process of being repatriated in accordance with protocol
set forth in the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act
(NAGPRA). The Anasazi Heritage
Center is curating these remains during the repatriation process.
Objects falling under the jurisdiction of NAGPRA are not currently available
for study, and their future disposition has not yet been decided. All
human bone and associated funerary objects recognized in the course of
excavation were treated in accordance with the Crow Canyon Archaeological
Center's policy on human remains in the on-line field
manual. Bradley describes and interprets these materials in "Human
Skeletal Remains."
Destructive Analysis
6
A number of artifacts were subjected to destructive analysis. Small
portions of numerous rim sherds from white ware bowls and corrugated gray
jars were removed to facilitate temper identification. In addition, the
Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research discarded tree-ring samples that possessed
little dating potential.
Additional Studies of Woods Canyon Pueblo Artifacts
7
In addition to the analyses reported here, several other studies
of artifacts from Woods Canyon Pueblo have been conducted or are in progress.
Ortman (2000*1) studied painted
designs on white ware pottery from Woods Canyon Pueblo and numerous other
Pueblo II and III sites in the Mesa Verde region. Basic pottery and floor-assemblage
data are presented in a study of the occupational history of the pueblo
by Ortman et al. (2000*1). White
ware temper data generated for Woods Canyon and several other sites in
southwestern Colorado are provided in the Castle Rock Pueblo artifacts
report (Ortman 2000*2). Kelley
(1996*1) presents pottery type and attribute data from a 1993 in-field
analysis of sherds found on the modern ground surface of the site, and
Wilshusen et al. (1997*1) present
basic pottery data for the ancient reservoir (Site 5MT12086) located adjacent
to Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Organization and Use of This Report
8
This report is organized into sections and subsections, a list
of which can be accessed by selecting the expanded table
of contents at the top of the chapter. Selecting a heading in the
table of contents will allow you to go directly to the section of interest
without having to scroll through the entire chapter. When you link to
a table, figure, or reference in the text, a new browser window will open
to display the selected information. You can move back and forth between
the chapter text and the data window by keeping both windows open, overlapping
them (that is, not viewing them full screen) and selecting one or the
other window. The data window will be updated each time a link for a table,
figure, or reference is selected in the narrative text window; the text
window will maintain your place in the longer document. Choosing a database
map gives you access to the Woods Canyon Pueblo map database. In many
subsections, information about archaeological context is taken from field
observations recorded in The
Woods Canyon Pueblo Database, along with analysis information
for selected artifacts. Explanations of field context information can
be found in the on-line field
manual.
9
In "Chronology"
(this report), Churchill and Ortman group the units excavated at Woods
Canyon Pueblo into seven areas (Areas 1–7) within four sections of
the village (upper west side, canyon bottom, east talus slope, and canyon
rim) (see "Architecture
and Site Layout," Database
Map 329, and Database
Map 334). These same groupings and labels are used in this report,
along with two temporal components defined to aid examination of change
through time in artifact assemblages. The assignment of study units to
site areas, site sections, and temporal components is given in Table
1.
10
The assignment of site areas to temporal components is based primarily
on tree-ring data, the architectural style and abandonment mode of kivas,
and pottery data. Table 2
summarizes these data for the seven tested areas at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
These data are discussed in greater detail by Churchill and Ortman in
"Chronology" (this
report). The most-recent tree-ring date from each area provides a maximum
possible age for the structure from which the dated timber was recovered,
with the exception of the date for Area 1, which was yielded by a piece
of charcoal found in a midden deposit. These dates indicate that buildings
were constructed in Areas 5 and 7 during the late Pueblo III period (A.D.
1225–1280) and that there was activity in Areas 1 and 4 throughout
the entire period (A.D. 1140–1280).
11
Details of kiva architectural styles, roof treatment at abandonment,
and floor assemblages suggest that the canyon bottom was built, occupied,
and abandoned earlier than other sections of the site. Several chronological
trends are apparent in these data. First, the partly earthen walled and
partly masonry lined kivas in Area 1 likely date from before A.D. 1200,
whereas the kivas completely lined with stone masonry in Areas 3, 5, 6,
and 7 were probably constructed after A.D. 1200. Second, the tested kivas
with unburned, salvaged roofs in Areas 1 and 2 were likely built before
A.D. 1250, whereas the kivas with burned and salvaged roofs in Areas 3,
4, 5, and 6 were likely built after A.D. 1250. Third, the sparse artifact
assemblages on the floors of tested kivas in Areas 1 and 2 suggest that
inhabitants of these structures moved to new homes nearby, whereas the
large floor assemblages left on the floors of kivas in Areas 3, 4, 5,
and 7 suggest that people abandoned these structures during the final
regional emigrations of the late A.D. 1200s. Churchill and Ortman (in
"Chronology") discuss
these various lines of evidence in more detail and develop middle-range
arguments that link architectural styles and abandonment modes to specific
time periods.
12
The pottery assemblage from Woods Canyon Pueblo suggests that the
site was occupied throughout the Pueblo III period and that the focus
of the settlement changed over time. We can examine the pottery chronology
of Woods Canyon Pueblo by comparing the proportions, by weight, of white
ware sherds assigned to various formal types (as opposed to informal or
grouped types, after Wilson and
Blinman [1995*1:35]) from each tested area of the pueblo with the
expected pottery-assemblage profiles for sites that date to specific time
periods. These idealized pottery-assemblage profiles have been developed
by Wilson and Blinman (1999*1)
using tree-ring-dated assemblages from small sites with short occupation
spans. In their model, early Pueblo III assemblages (A.D. 1140–1180)
are dominated by McElmo Black-on-white to the near exclusion of Mancos
Black-on-white; middle Pueblo III assemblages (A.D. 1180–1225) contain
equal amounts of McElmo and Mesa Verde black-on-white; and late Pueblo
III assemblages (A.D. 1225–1280) contain more Mesa Verde Black-on-white
than McElmo Black-on-white.
13
Given these idealized assemblage profiles, the data in Table
2 indicate that there is more Mancos Black-on-white in all areas
of Woods Canyon Pueblo than would be expected for a Pueblo III–period
occupation. Nevertheless, I believe that the proportion of white ware
sherds classified as Mancos Black-on-white in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblage is not sufficient to indicate occupation during the Pueblo
II period. This conclusion is supported by two lines of evidence.
14
First, I suspect that analysts were biased toward assigning sherds
with mineral-paint designs to Pueblo II pottery types. Mineral paint is
so rare in pottery assemblages from Pueblo III sites in the Sand Canyon
locality that analysts during the Sand Canyon Archaeological Project tended
to take the mere presence of mineral paint as evidence that a sherd dated
to the Pueblo II period. Application of this same principle to the Woods
Canyon Pueblo assemblage, where mineral paint is much more common, would
have resulted in an inflated percentage of Pueblo II types. Reanalysis
of a sample of white ware bowl rims from Woods Canyon (see paragraphs
41–43) suggests that approximately half the sherds classified
as Mancos Black-on-white in the database would probably be reclassified
as Pueblo III types if they were analyzed today, with the benefit of experience.
It is also important that the frequency of mineral-painted sherds varies
randomly among the seven tested areas of the pueblo and does not correlate
with other lines of evidence used to assess the occupational histories
of these areas. All of this suggests that mineral paint is not an effective
chronological indicator in the Woods Canyon area, and that our original
pottery analysis may have slightly overestimated the proportion of Mancos
Black-on-white by mistakenly considering mineral paint as a chronologically
sensitive attribute.
15
Second, recent research using tree-ring-dated pottery collections
indicates that Mancos Black-on-white sherds are more common in early Pueblo
III (A.D. 1140–1180) assemblages than has previously been believed.
Tree-ring-dated pottery assemblages from Indian Camp Ranch (Morris
et al. 1993*1) and the Sand Canyon Project Site Testing Program (Varien
1999*2) were not available when Wilson
and Blinman (1999*1) formulated idealized pottery-assemblage profiles
for sites dating to specific time periods (see "Chronology").
Over the past few years, bowl rim sherds from these and numerous other
tree-ring-dated sites, including Woods Canyon Pueblo, have been reanalyzed
as part of a regional pottery design study (Ortman
2000*1). Some results of this work are presented in Table
3, which gives percentages of white ware pottery types by weight,
the total weight of pottery classified, and the latest tree-ring date
for each analyzed component, along with the date range to which each was
assigned. The same group of analysts classified the pottery from every
site in this calibration dataset. In Table
3, the grouped type "Pueblo II White Painted" was used for sherds
that were either Cortez or Mancos black-on-white; "Late White Painted"
was used primarily for sherds that were either Mancos or McElmo black-on-white;
and "Pueblo III White Painted" was used for sherds that were either McElmo
or Mesa Verde black-on-white.
16
The two early Pueblo III (A.D. 1140–1180) components in Table
3 are from Kenzie Dawn Hamlet (Varien
1999*2) and the Seed Jar site (Jerry Fetterman, personal communication
1999), both of which are associated with noncutting dates in the A.D.
1140s. Thus, the typological profile for A.D. 1140–1180 in this calibration
dataset probably characterizes the early years of this interval. It is
also important to note that only one site in this dataset, Knobby Knee
Stockade (Wilson 1991*1), dates
between A.D. 1180 and 1210, and sample sizes are relatively small for
all three sites dating between A.D. 1140 and 1210. Nevertheless, it is
apparent in Table 3 that numerous Mancos Black-on-white sherds were deposited
at sites occupied during the mid–A.D. 1100s. It is also apparent
that the frequency of Mancos Black-on-white dropped rapidly during the
late A.D. 1100s but continued to occur in low frequencies throughout the
A.D. 1200s. These results indicate that Wilson
and Blinman's (1999*1) idealized assemblage profiles should be adjusted
to reflect the continued abundance of Mancos Black-on-white in early Pueblo
III assemblages.
17
Table 4 condenses
the calibration dataset in Table 3 by time period and compares the result
with the reanalyzed sample of white ware bowl rims from the early and
late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. In this context, the
small percentage of Mancos Black-on-white pottery in these components
seems typical and does not support the existence of a late Pueblo II occupation
at the site. The proportions of other types in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblages suggest that occupation of the site was of a longer duration
than that of most sites in the calibration dataset, leading to assemblage
profiles that blend the characteristics of several phases. The profile
for the early Pueblo III component appears to blend characteristics of
the A.D. 1180–1210 and A.D. 1210–1230 periods, consistent with
an occupation dating from the late A.D. 1100s and early A.D. 1200s; and
the profile for the late Pueblo III component appears to blend characteristics
of the A.D. 1210–1230 and A.D. 1230–1260 periods, consistent
with a mid–A.D. 1200s occupation.
18
Why does Mesa Verde Black-on-white not dominate the reanalyzed
sample from the late Pueblo III component, despite evidence of late A.D.
1200s occupation in the form of tree-ring-dated structures, burned and
salvaged roofs, and large floor assemblages? It may be the result of sampling
error, a dwindling site population during the final years of occupation,
or an intensive occupation throughout the A.D. 1200s, with the tree-ring-dated
structures having been built relatively late in the history of the site.
The small pottery assemblage from the canyon rim (Area 7 in Table
2), the area from which most of the late tree-ring dates were obtained,
is indeed dominated by Mesa Verde Black-on-white, similar to the assemblages
associated with the A.D. 1260–1280 occupation spans in the calibration
dataset (Table 3). This suggests
a relatively short, late use of the rim complex. Additional excavations
and accumulations research (see Varien
1999*1) may be necessary to determine the occupation spans of Areas
3–6 in the A.D. 1200s. Nevertheless, the presence of more McElmo
Black-on-white in these areas suggests that they were occupied earlier
and longer than the canyon rim.
19
If we return now to the pottery data in Table
2, keeping the earlier discussion regarding Mancos Black-on-white
in mind, the predominance of McElmo Black-on-white in Areas 1–3 suggests
that these areas date from sometime during the early and middle Pueblo
III periods (A.D. 1140–1225). Areas 4, 5, and 7 appear to date from
the late Pueblo III period (A.D. 1225–1280), on the basis of the
predominance of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. Although Area 6 does contain
a high proportion of Mancos Black-on-white pottery, most of the total
weight of this type in this area is from a single carbon-painted jar sherd
weighing 94.7 grams. It is therefore likely that occupation of this area
also dates from A.D. 1225 to 1280.
20
Finally, pottery-attribute data suggest that Areas 1 and 2 in the
canyon bottom fell out of use during the final decades of occupation,
but that tested areas in other sections of the site continued to be occupied
into the late 1200s. In the Sand Canyon locality, exterior band designs
were painted on 15 percent of bowls dating from the late A.D. 1200s, but
were rarely painted on bowls dating from the early A.D. 1200s. The proportion
of bowls from Areas 3 through 7 that exhibit this attribute suggests that
these sections of the site were occupied during the late 1200s. In contrast,
the proportion of bowls from Areas 1 and 2 exhibiting this attribute is
far too low to suggest that it was occupied during this same period (see
Table 23, this report, and
Ortman et al. 2000*1:Table 2).
These data thus suggest that the canyon bottom fell out of use during
the mid-1200s, whereas other sections of the village continued to be occupied
up until the time of the final Puebloan migrations from the Mesa Verde
region.
21
To summarize, then, all lines of evidence from Areas 1 and 2 point
to an early and middle Pueblo III occupation that probably dates from
the mid-1100s to the early 1200s, and the evidence from Areas 4, 5, and
7 suggests a late Pueblo III occupation for these areas that probably
dates from the mid- and late 1200s. The evidence from Areas 3 and 6 is
mixed. The location of Area 3 (on the talus slope), as well as the roof-treatment
and floor-assemblage data for this part of the site, supports the assignment
of a late Pueblo III date, whereas the pottery data support a somewhat
earlier date. In Area 6, location (at the base of the cliff), kiva architecture,
roof treatment, and the small pottery sample generally support a late
Pueblo III date, but the floor-assemblage data suggest an earlier date
of abandonment. Although the preponderance of evidence supports assignment
of Areas 3 and 6 to the late Pueblo III component, the evidence is less
conclusive for these areas than it is for other parts of the village.
Throughout this report, artifacts from the early and middle Pueblo III
occupation will be referred to as the "early" Pueblo III component, and
artifacts from the late Pueblo III occupation will be referred to as the
"late" Pueblo III component. In the remainder of this report it will be
assumed that the occupations of all areas assigned to each component were
at least partly contemporaneous.
22
Identification of early and late Pueblo III components at Woods
Canyon Pueblo is significant for two reasons. First, the ability to compare
early and late Pueblo III assemblages from the same location enables the
analyst to hold the physical environment constant—especially the
raw materials used in pottery and stone-tool production—when attempting
to identify changes in artifact production, use, and discard during the
final century of Pueblo occupation in the northern San Juan region. In
this way, "push" factors (after Lipe
1995*1) related to the regional emigrations might be brought into
sharper focus.
23
Second, it appears that the role of Woods Canyon Pueblo in the
local settlement system changed between the early and late occupations.
During the early Pueblo III occupation, the center of the Woods Canyon
community was probably at the Bass Site Complex (Site 5MT136), Site 5MT4700,
or the Albert Porter Preserve (Site 5MT123), all three of which are located
on the uplands within a 2-km radius of Woods Canyon Pueblo (Database
Map 337) (Lipe and Ortman
2000*1). During the late Pueblo III occupation, however, Woods Canyon
Pueblo became the largest settlement in the Woods Canyon area, and an
enclosed plaza and D-shaped building were constructed in the rim complex
(in Area 7). This suggests that the site developed into the center of
the local community during the final decades of Puebloan occupation in
the Mesa Verde region (see Lipe
et al. 1999*1; Lipe and Ortman
2000*1; Varien 1999*1; Varien
et al. 1996*1). Thus, comparison of the early and late Pueblo III
components may clarify how activities in the community center differed
from those that occurred in other settlements. These topics will be addressed
throughout this report by comparing the two components defined in Table
2.
Components from Other Sites Used for Comparative Purposes
24
In addition to the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods
Canyon Pueblo, two additional late Pueblo III components are used in this
report for comparative purposes. The first is Castle Rock Pueblo (Site
5MT1825), a medium-size village located in lower Sand Canyon adjacent
to McElmo Creek, approximately 15 km south-southeast of Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Results of excavations at this site are reported by Kuckelman
(2000*1) and indicate that the village was constructed and occupied
during the A.D. 1250–1280 period.
25
The second component is the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket
Pueblo (Site 5MT5), a portion of a very large village located at the head
of Yellow Jacket Canyon and Tatum Draw, approximately 15 km east-northeast
of Woods Canyon Pueblo. The final report on test excavations at Yellow
Jacket Pueblo has not yet been completed, but enough is known to conclude
that the great tower complex was also occupied during the late Pueblo
III period (Ortman et al. 2000*1).
The great tower complex is associated with a noncutting tree-ring date
of A.D. 1254 and has a lower proportion of McElmo Black-on-white sherds
in its pottery assemblage than does the late Pueblo III component at Woods
Canyon Pueblo. Thus, even though the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket
is partly contemporaneous with the late Pueblo III component at Woods
Canyon, it probably reflects a very late and short-lived occupation. In
contrast, the late Pueblo III component at Woods Canyon Pueblo appears
to represent an occupation of longer duration, probably from A.D. 1225
to 1280.
Unmodified Sherds
26
More than 22,000 pottery sherds, weighing a total of more than
140 kg, were collected during excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo. All
were analyzed according to Crow Canyon's standard analysis procedures,
which are described in the on-line laboratory
manual. All but a handful of the recovered sherds were identified
as locally made, Mesa Verde–tradition white and gray wares. The following
paragraphs present several summaries of the basic sherd data.
Total Inventory by Ware and Type
27
The sherds collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo are tabulated in
Table 5 according to pottery
type (for type definitions, see the laboratory
manual). The list of pottery types is arranged according to general
ware categories. Unknown white and gray ware sherds are listed separately
because such sherds may or may not represent local wares. Results are
given by count and the percentage by count of each pottery type for the
early and late Pueblo III components; percentages are not given for sherds
that were not assigned to temporal component. Table
6 presents these same data using weight as the measure of abundance.
28
Pierce and Varien (1999*1)
discuss the relative merits of counts vs. weights as measures of abundance.
Comparison of Table 5 and
Table 6 shows that percentages
of various pottery types can vary depending on whether counts or weights
are used. This effect is especially clear for the specific formal white
ware types—that is, Mesa Verde, McElmo, and Mancos black-on-white—which
are much more abundant by weight than by count. In contrast, the relative
abundance of Pueblo III White Painted, which is a more general type used
for sherds that do not exhibit diagnostic attributes of either McElmo
or Mesa Verde black-on-white, is approximately equal by count and weight.
Consistency in the relative frequency of a type for both count and weight
probably indicates that sherds assigned to that type tend to be of average
size for the collection overall. Greater relative frequency by count indicates
that sherds assigned to that type are smaller than average, whereas greater
frequency by weight indicates that sherds assigned to that type are larger
than average. It is expected that sherds assigned to formal types will
be larger than average because the classification of local white ware
sherds to formal type relies heavily on the identification of specific
painted designs, which are often difficult to recognize on small sherds.
29
The relative frequency of formal white ware types in the early
and late components at Woods Canyon Pueblo generally supports the dating
arguments presented in the definition of site components (paragraphs
9–23); however, the chronological pattern is more apparent by
weight than by count. In the early Pueblo III component, McElmo Black-on-white
is the most common white ware type, but there is also a significant percentage
of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. This assemblage profile is consistent with
an occupation dating between A.D. 1140 and 1225. In the late Pueblo III
component, Mesa Verde Black-on-white is most common, followed by McElmo
Black-on-white. This assemblage profile is consistent with an occupation
dating between A.D. 1225 and 1280. Possible explanations for the Mancos
Black-on-white sherds identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblages
are presented in the discussion of site components (paragraphs
9–23). To these arguments I would add that less than 2 percent
of the sherds found at Woods Canyon Pueblo were identified as definite
Pueblo II types. In contrast, more than 15 percent of all sherds were
identified as definite Pueblo III types.
30
The distribution of corrugated gray ware types in the early and
late components is more problematic. The frequency of Mesa Verde Corrugated
does increase over time, but so does the frequency of Mancos Corrugated.
Because rim sherds are required for identification of both types, I discuss
this pattern further in the analysis of corrugated jar rims, below (paragraphs
53–62).
31
The presence of a few sherds assigned to early (Basketmaker III
and Pueblo I) types—including Chapin Gray, Chapin Black-on-white,
Moccasin Gray, Mancos Gray, Indeterminate Neckbanded Gray, Early White
Painted, and Early White Unpainted—suggests some form of human activity
in the site area between A.D. 600 and 900. Such sherds are so rare, however,
that they are unlikely to reflect occupation during this period.
White Ware Sherds by Type and Finish1
32
Two kinds of paint are identifiable on decorated Mesa Verde White
Ware pottery. Mineral paint derives from ground iron, manganese, or copper-rich
rock that is held in liquid suspension. Carbon paint is believed to derive
from the condensed extract of certain plants, such as Rocky Mountain beeweed
(Cleome serrulata) and tansymustard (Descurainia richardsonii).
33
Table 7 presents
counts and Table 8 shows
weights in grams of painted white ware sherds assigned to various type
and finish categories for the early and late Pueblo III components at
Woods Canyon Pueblo. Both tables also display the percentage of sherds
assigned to each type that have mineral paint and the percentage of each
type among all white wares, regardless of paint type. Both Tables 7 and
8 show that approximately one in five white ware sherds in the Woods Canyon
assemblage was decorated with mineral paint and that there was little
change in the frequency of mineral paint over time.
34
This pattern contrasts greatly with data from the Sand Canyon locality,
where mineral paint is rare in assemblages dating after A.D. 1150 (Varien
et al. 1992*1:Table 5.3). To illustrate, less than 1 percent of white
ware sherds had mineral-painted designs at Castle Rock Pueblo (Site 5MT1825),
a late Pueblo III (A.D. 1225–1280) village located approximately
15 km south-southeast of Woods Canyon (Ortman
2000*2:Table 3). However, approximately 65 percent of white ware sherds
had mineral-painted designs at Knobby Knee Stockade (Site 5MT2525) and
Roundtree Pueblo (Site 5MT2544), two middle Pueblo III (A.D. 1180–1225)
unit pueblos located approximately 10 km northwest of Woods Canyon (Wilson
1988*2:Table A.19). These data suggest a spatial trend in the use
of mineral paint during the Pueblo III period, with carbon paint dominating
in sites southeast of Woods Canyon, toward Ute Mountain and Mesa Verde
proper, and the use of mineral paint continuing in sites to the northwest,
toward the Abajo Mountains in southeast Utah, well into the A.D. 1200s.
Whether mineral-painted white ware vessels were made by the inhabitants
of Woods Canyon Pueblo or were obtained through exchange is unknown. The
only possible direct evidence of mineral paint use at Woods Canyon was
a red "pigment" stone (PD 472, FS 10) recovered from early Pueblo III
deposits in Structure 1-S (Table
44). The possibility that this stone could have been used to make
mineral paint is untested.
Total Inventory by Ware and Form
35
All sherds collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo were assigned to
one of five basic ware categories: plain gray ware, corrugated gray ware,
white ware, nonlocal wares, and unknown wares (no local red ware sherds
were identified). Sherds were also assigned to one of four basic form
categories: bowl, jar; other, and unknown. Total counts and percentages
by count for these various ware-form combinations are presented in Table
9 for each temporal component; Table
10 presents these same data using weights as the measure of abundance.
The percentages of various ware-form combinations are fairly consistent
for both counts and weights, but differences are apparent. Corrugated
jars and unknown white ware forms are slightly more abundant by count,
whereas white ware bowls and jars, and other white ware forms, are slightly
more abundant by weight. These data suggest that corrugated jar sherds
and white ware sherds of unknown form tend to be smaller than average,
whereas white ware bowl, jar, and other form sherds tend to be larger
than average. I discuss this pattern further in the analysis of rim sherds,
below (paragraphs 38–40).
36
These ware-form combinations are found in roughly the same proportions
in other Pueblo III sites in southwestern Colorado that have been interpreted
as permanent, year-round habitations (Pierce
and Varien 1999*1). For example, at both Castle Rock (Ortman
2000*2:Table 2) and Woods Canyon pueblos, corrugated jar sherds are
most common, followed by white ware bowl sherds, then white ware jar sherds.
This suggests that the ware-form characteristics of the Woods Canyon sherd
assemblage resulted from a set of domestic activities that produced sherds
of various wares and forms at a relatively consistent rate across sites.
This inference is supported by the fact that nonhabitation sites possess
strikingly different proportions of these ware-form categories in their
sherd assemblages. For example, the pottery assemblage from Woods Canyon
Reservoir (Site 5MT12086) is dominated by sherds from white ware jars
and contains few sherds from corrugated jars or white ware bowls (Wilshusen
et al. 1997*1:Table 1). Obviously, the activities that occurred at
the reservoir led to different patterns of sherd deposition than are typical
of habitation sites, including Woods Canyon Pueblo.
37
Despite the general, qualitative similarity in ware-form characteristics
of sherd assemblages from habitation sites, there are quantitative differences
in these characteristics across sites (Pierce
and Varien 1999*1), including the early and late Pueblo III components
at Woods Canyon. The most notable difference appears to be an increase
in the deposition of corrugated jar sherds during the late Pueblo III
period, at the expense of white ware bowl sherds. Analysis of corrugated
jar rims (paragraphs 53–62) suggests that
corrugated jars tended to be larger during the late Pueblo III occupation;
to the extent that larger vessels tend to produce more sherds, the adoption
of larger corrugated jars with little or no concomitant change in use
life may be responsible for increased deposition of corrugated jar sherds
during the late Pueblo III period. Pottery and faunal assemblages from
the Sand Canyon locality support the notion that communal meals were prepared
and eaten in large villages more often than in contemporaneous smaller
villages and hamlets (Driver 1996*1;
Ortman 2000*2:par. 41–66). If
so, it could be that increased corrugated jar sherd deposition in the
late component at Woods Canyon is evidence of increased communal feasting
associated with the development of the site as a community center.
Rim Sherds by Ware and Type
38
Rim sherds may provide a better indication of type frequencies
among the vessels used during an occupation, because rim sherds usually
preserve more diagnostic attributes of pottery types than do body sherds
and therefore tend to be classified more precisely. Table
11 presents counts of rim sherds in the Woods Canyon Pueblo components
by ware and type. The relative frequency of rim sherds assigned to each
type is also shown as a percentage of all rim sherds by count. Table
12 presents these same data using weight as the measure of abundance.
In these tables, the relative frequencies of specific, named types clearly
are much higher among the rim sherds alone than in the sherd assemblage
as a whole.
39
As was the case in the overall sherd assemblage, significant differences
in the relative frequencies of different types by count and weight probably
relate to the average sizes of the rim sherds assigned to each type. As
an example, Mesa Verde Black-on-white is much more common by weight than
by count, whereas Pueblo III White Painted and Indeterminate Local Corrugated
Gray are more common by count than by weight. These patterns indicate
that rim sherds assigned to specific traditional types tend to be larger
than average, whereas rim sherds assigned to generic types tend to be
smaller than average. The higher frequencies of specific types among the
rim sherds indicate that rims were assigned to these specific types more
often than body sherds were.
40
The distribution of formal types among rim sherds generally supports
and amplifies the conclusions reached on the basis of all sherds. In both
cases, differences between components in the representation of formal
white ware types are more apparent by weight than by count. McElmo Black-on-white
is most common in the early Pueblo III component, and Mesa Verde Black-on-white
is most common in the late Pueblo III component. Also Mancos-Black-on-white
is relatively less common among rim sherds than it is among all sherds.
By weight, McElmo and Mesa Verde black-on-white are two to three times
more prevalent than Mancos Black-on-white among all sherds (Table
6), but are four to five times more abundant among rim sherds only
(Table 12). As was noted
above for all sherds, both Mancos and Mesa Verde corrugated increase in
frequency over time. Corrugated rim sherds are discussed more fully in
the analysis of corrugated jar rims, below (paragraphs
53–62).
White Ware Rims by Type and Finish
41
Table 13 presents
counts, and Table 14 shows
weights in grams, of painted white ware rim sherds assigned to various
type and finish categories for the early and late Pueblo III components.
Both tables also present the percentage of sherds assigned to each type
that are mineral painted, and the percentage of each type among all white
wares, regardless of paint type.
42
The data in Table 14,
especially, illustrate the role that mineral paint played in assigning
white ware sherds to type. Mineral paint occurs on approximately 20 percent
of the painted white ware sherds assigned to each component at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. About 20 percent of the sherds classified as Pueblo III White
Painted are also mineral painted, but mineral paint is over-represented
among sherds assigned to the definite or possible Pueblo II types of Mancos
Black-on-white, Pueblo II White Painted, and Late White Painted. In contrast,
mineral paint is underrepresented among sherds assigned to the formal
Pueblo III types of McElmo and Mesa Verde black-on-white. These data suggest
that analysts tended to assign mineral-painted white ware rim sherds to
earlier types, even though mineral-painted sherds overall occur in roughly
the same frequencies in both components.
43
Further illustration of this analytical bias can be seen in Table
15, which cross-tabulates the results of a 1998 reanalysis of white
ware bowl rim sherds from Woods Canyon Pueblo with the results of the
original analysis of paint and pottery type. The data in this table show
that only one-third of mineral-painted sherds originally classified as
Mancos Black-on-white were reclassified as such in the reanalysis. The
overall percentage of Mancos Black-on-white sherds was also reduced by
one-half in the reanalysis results. These data suggest that the occurrence
of Mancos Black-on-white sherds in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage
is partly due to analytical bias (also see the definition of site components,
paragraphs 9–23).
Rim Sherds by Ware and Form
44
Rim sherds often can be assigned to more specific form classes
than can body sherds, and when it was apparent during analysis that a
rim sherd came from a ladle, canteen, mug, or kiva/seed jar, this was
recorded in a "comments" field. Ladle rims curve more tightly than bowl
rims and possess either distinctive use wear on the outside edge of the
rim or evidence of a handle attachment. Canteen rims are small jar rims
with very tight curvature. Mug rims are square in cross section, are seldom
everted, usually possess intricate painted decorations on their exteriors,
and sometimes preserve evidence of a handle attachment near the rim. Finally,
kiva jars and seed jars are slightly larger than canteens, do not have
necks, and, in the case of kiva jars, have a distinctive lip that is designed
to hold a lid in place.
45
Table 16 summarizes
the wares and forms of rim sherds in the Woods Canyon components by count,
and Table 17 presents these
same data using weight as the measure of abundance. The more specific
vessel forms of kiva jar, seed jar, ladle, and mug are tabulated here
on the basis of information recorded in the comments field of the pottery
data file. It was assumed that white ware jar rims for which no additional
comments were recorded are from large storage jars, or ollas. As is the
case in the overall assemblage, rim sherds show relatively little variation
in relative abundance by count and weight when classified in terms of
ware-form combinations. This suggests that sherd size does not significantly
affect an analyst's ability to assign rim sherds to ware and form categories.
Also, as was the case for the entire sherd assemblage, the three most
common ware-form categories among the rim sherds are corrugated jars,
white ware jars, and white ware bowls. The relative frequencies of these
three forms, however, are strikingly different when rim sherds alone are
considered. White ware bowls are by far the most common ware-form combination
among rim sherds only, whereas corrugated jars are by far the most common
among all sherds.
46
These differences relate to the typical circumferences of rims
in the original vessels of these various ware-form combinations and to
differences in the relative numbers of rim and body sherds produced by
vessels of different sizes. White ware bowls are open forms with large
rim circumferences; when they break, they produce numerous rim sherds
and a relatively high ratio of rim to body sherds. Corrugated and white
ware jars are taller, closed forms, usually with smaller rim circumferences,
that produce far fewer rim sherds per vessel than do white ware bowls.
As a result, the best way to estimate the relative number of vessels of
different ware-form classes in a pottery assemblage is to compare the
total degrees of arc subtended by the rim sherds of various ware-form
classes.
47
Such data were considered by Pierce
and Varien (1999*1) in their study of the Sand Canyon locality Site
Testing Program assemblages. They found that raw counts of rim sherds,
though less precise than degree-of-arc measurements, nevertheless gave
a closer approximation of the relative numbers of vessel ware-form classes
than did raw counts of all sherds. Judging from this finding, it appears
that white ware bowls were the most common vessel form used at Woods Canyon,
followed by corrugated jars and then white ware jars and white ware ladles.
Canteens, mugs, and kiva/seed jars were all relatively rare.
48
As we saw in the data for all sherds, the primary difference in
the relative frequency of vessel wares and forms between the early and
late Pueblo III components is a higher percentage of corrugated jars in
the late component and a corresponding decrease in the percentage of white
ware bowls. This pattern is apparent for both counts and weights and suggests
increased deposition of broken and worn-out corrugated jars during the
late Pueblo III occupation. One way this could occur is through increased
use of corrugated jars for cooking, which would have shortened the use
life of the vessels and increased the deposition rate of corrugated jar
sherds. The analysis of corrugated jar rims (paragraphs
53–62) also suggests that more large corrugated jars were used
during the late Pueblo III occupation. Both patterns suggest an intensification
of food preparation as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center in
the mid-1200s.
49
Studies of midden composition in Chaco Canyon have revealed that
the trash mounds of great houses—the structures most analogous to
community centers in the central Mesa Verde region—also contain relatively
more corrugated jar sherds and fewer white ware bowl sherds than the middens
of smaller residential sites. Chaco researchers have also interpreted
this pattern as evidence of periodic communal gathering and feasting (Toll
2001*1:72).
Modified and Shaped Sherds
50
A number of sherds that had been modified or shaped after their
parent vessels broke were collected during the Woods Canyon Pueblo excavations.
Table 18 summarizes the pottery
types to which such sherds were assigned in each component by count and
weight and presents relative frequencies of different types by count and
weight for the entire Woods Canyon assemblage. Modified sherds possess
at least one abraded edge. Shaped sherds have edges that were flaked,
ground, or both to make a specific shape. Some larger shaped sherds may
have been used as containers (called "sherd containers" in Crow Canyon's
analysis system) or as pottery-molding trays, also called pukis.
Perforated sherds with shaped edges were classified as sherd pendants
and are discussed in the section on objects of personal adornment, below
(paragraphs 133–134). Sherds with shaped
edges but lacking a perforation, such as disks, triangles, and rectangles,
were classified as shaped sherds and are included here. These shaped sherds
may have been pendant blanks, gaming pieces, or other nonutilitarian items.
51
Table 19 summarizes
modified and shaped sherds by component and the ware-form combination
of the parent vessel of each piece. This table shows that, relative to
the overall sherd assemblage, modified corrugated sherds are underrepresented
but tend to be larger than the other modified or shaped sherds. Corrugated
sherds are not well suited for use as pottery scrapers because they have
uneven surfaces, coarse paste, and large temper inclusions that make it
difficult to create a smooth scraping surface. Several complete examples
of corrugated sherd containers, however, have been found in excavations
at Sand Canyon Pueblo (Site 5MT765). Most modified and shaped sherds are
of white ware and probably represent portions of pottery scrapers, gaming
pieces, or pendant blanks.
Pottery Vessels
52
Six whole, partial, or reconstructible vessels were collected from
various contexts at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Four of these are white ware
bowls, one is a white ware jar, and one is a sherd container made from
a white ware vessel. All were produced locally. The type, form, condition,
and metric data for each collected vessel are listed in Table
20, and the type, form, and context of each vessel are
listed in Table 21. If the
vessel was reconstructed and is not considered to be a funerary object,
you can click on the vessel's photo number in Table 20 to see a photograph
of it.
Analysis of Corrugated Jar Rims
53
Additional data were collected from a sample of corrugated jar
rim sherds in an attempt to address several questions raised by the basic
sherd data. Rim-arc analysis was conducted to determine whether the size
distributions of cooking vessels changed as Woods Canyon Pueblo became
a community center during the late Pueblo III period. In addition, rim
form measurements were collected to refine the typology and chronology
of corrugated jar rims at the site. Results of these analyses are presented
in the following paragraphs.
Rim-Arc Data
54
Figure 1 summarizes
rim-radius estimates drawn from samples of corrugated jar rim sherds found
at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo.
Measurable sherds were placed on radial graph paper, and the curve that
best approximated the circumference of each rim was recorded in 1-cm intervals.
The degrees of arc encompassed by the rim along this curve was also recorded,
to the nearest 5 degrees. The total degrees of arc assigned to each radius
class was used as the measure of abundance, rather than the count or weight
of sherds assigned to each radius class. This was done to compensate for
the tendency of vessels with smaller rim diameters to break into fewer
rim sherds that encompass more degrees of arc than do vessels with larger
rim diameters (Pierce and Varien
1999*1). Finally, the horizontal distance from the outside edge of
the rim to the inside edge of the orifice was measured with the sherd
held in proper orientation, to estimate the size of the opening on the
parent vessels of these sherds. These data are summarized in Figure
2.
55
Examination of the relationships between rim diameter, orifice
(throat) diameter, and total volume of reconstructed corrugated jars from
Sand Canyon Pueblo suggests that, in general, larger-volume vessels tend
to have larger rim and orifice diameters (Ortman
2000*2:par. 46). On the basis of this finding and the data presented in
Figures 1 and 2, it appears that more large-volume corrugated jars were
used and discarded during the late Pueblo III period at Woods Canyon Pueblo
and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket Pueblo than during the early
Pueblo III period at Woods Canyon. This pattern is also documented for
the Sand Canyon locality, where rim-arc data suggest that more large-volume
corrugated jars were used and discarded at Sand Canyon Pueblo, a large
late Pueblo III village and community center, than at smaller villages
and earlier hamlets in the locality (Ortman
2000*2:par. 57). Because household sizes do not appear to have increased
over the course of the Pueblo III period, these data strengthen the argument
that preparation and consumption of communal meals occurred in late Pueblo
III community centers in the central Mesa Verde region (Driver
1996*1; Ortman 2000*2; Potter
2000*1).
Rim Form Measurement Data
56
Wilson and Blinman's (1999*1)
assemblage-based ceramic chronology is based on three corrugated gray
ware types: Mancos Corrugated, which was most common during the period
A.D. 1025–1100; Dolores Corrugated, which was most common during
the period A.D. 1100–1180; and Mesa Verde Corrugated, which was most
common during the period A.D. 1225–1280. These three types are defined
solely on the basis of rim eversion: Mancos Corrugated rims are everted
less than 30 degrees, Dolores Corrugated rims are everted between 30 and
55 degrees, and Mesa Verde Corrugated rims are everted more than 55 degrees.
In contrast, the system used by Crow Canyon analysts recognizes only two
corrugated types: Mancos Corrugated, with rim eversion less than or equal
to 30 degrees, and Mesa Verde Corrugated, with rim eversion greater than
30 degrees. Dolores Corrugated is, in effect, included in Mesa Verde Corrugated.
This simplified system is used to minimize inter-observer variation in
typing, since many different people analyze sherds from Crow Canyon's
excavations. An unfortunate result of this convention, however, is that
most corrugated rim sherds deposited during Pueblo III occupations are
classified as a single type, Mesa Verde Corrugated, and are of little
use in dating arguments.
57
Wilson and Blinman's classification is based on their observation
that the degree of eversion of corrugated gray rims increased gradually
over time. Given this continuous variation, an alternative method for
assessing the chronological value of corrugated rim sherds is to measure
the eversion angle directly. This was attempted on a sample of corrugated
rim sherds from Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow
Jacket Pueblo. The method used is illustrated in Figure
3. With the sherd held in proper orientation, calipers were used to
measure the horizontal distance from the interior inflection point to
the lip of the rim, and the diagonal rim length between these same two
points. These two measurements were used to define a right triangle, from
which an estimate of the angle of eversion could be calculated. Both the
proper orientation of the rim in the parent vessel and the interior inflection
point were identifiable on each measured rim sherd.
58
Table 22 compares
horizontal and diagonal rim measurements, as well as eversion estimates,
for samples of corrugated rim sherds from the early and late Pueblo III
components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow
Jacket. The weights of all corrugated rim sherds from these three components
are also provided. The components are listed in chronological order (see
the earlier explanation of how site components were defined [paragraphs
9–23] and the discussion of components from other sites used
in the analyses [paragraphs 24–25]). Contrary
to expectations, there is little variation in the mean eversion-angle
estimates across the three components. However, both the horizontal rim
width and the diagonal rim length measurements do increase over time.
59
Figure 4 illustrates
this pattern using box plots to represent distributions of the "flare"—that
is, horizontal plus diagonal measurements—of sherds from these three
components. In each plot, the shaded box represents the midspread (middle
50 percent) of cases for a component, the horizontal line inside each
box represents the median of cases, the tails illustrate the range of
values up to 1.5 box lengths from the edges of each box, and circles illustrate
outlier values. The fact that median values of both rim measurements increase
without a corresponding change in eversion angles indicates that the measurements
change in proportion, such that their ratio remains constant. This consistent
ratio is illustrated using box plots in Figure
5.
60
The pattern of increasing horizontal and diagonal rim measurements
across the three components may be due partly to the fact that the later
assemblages tend to have larger sherds (see Table
22). Because more-highly-flared rims need to be fairly large to be
measurable, fewer of the highly flared rims would be measurable in assemblages
with smaller sherds, resulting in a bias against highly flared rims in
the earlier assemblages. A scatterplot illustrating the relationship between
the "flare" and the weight of the measured rim sherds (Figure
6) illustrates the moderate positive relationship between these variables.
However, the relatively low r2 value for these data indicates
that there is still much variation that is not accounted for by sherd
size.
61
Another factor that might be contributing to the pattern in these
data is that larger vessels tend to have larger rims that might produce
larger measurements somewhat independent of the degree of eversion of
the rim. Since the rim-arc data suggest that the late Pueblo III assemblages
contain more large corrugated vessels than does the early Pueblo III assemblage,
one might expect sherds from these late assemblages to possess larger
rim measurements overall. Figure
7 illustrates that there is indeed a slight positive relationship
between vessel size, as estimated by rim-arc data, and the "flare" of
corrugated vessels. Figure 8,
however, shows that the pattern of increasing "flare" through time appears
to hold even when vessel size is taken into account. This figure presents
the same data as in Figure 4;
however, in this case, rim sherds with rim-radius estimates of 9 cm or
less are classified as being from "small" corrugated vessels, and rim
sherds with rim-radius estimates greater than 9 cm are classified as being
from "large" corrugated vessels. The figure shows that the "flare" of
corrugated jar rims increases through time for both small and large corrugated
vessels.
62
In summary, the data suggest that the rims of corrugated jars became
increasingly flared over the course of the Pueblo III period, but it appears
that the eversion angle estimates do not capture this change as well as
the measurements themselves. The most likely reason that the eversion
angle estimates do not capture the pattern noted by other researchers
is that a right triangle based on the measurement points illustrated in
Figure 3 does not adequately
represent the shape of the rim as perceived by analysts who estimate rim
eversion visually. Most highly everted corrugated jar rims are actually
out-curved rather than bent at a sharp angle. I suspect that most analysts
assess rim eversion using the angle of the rim at its tip, and that on
most curved rims the angle of eversion at the tip is much greater than
the angle between the tip and the interior inflection point estimated
for this pilot study. Nevertheless, the rim measurements taken do show
a chronological trend in the sampled components and suggest that a more
objective method for classifying corrugated jars rims could be developed
through further research.
Analysis of White Ware Bowl Rims
63
Additional data were collected from a sample of rim sherds from
white ware bowls from the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods
Canyon Pueblo and from the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket. These
data were used to examine whether different kinds of meals came to be
served to different social groups as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community
center during the late Pueblo III period. For background and arguments
related to functional analysis of vessels from Pueblo III sites in the
Mesa Verde region, see Ortman (2000*2:par. 41–66).
Rim-arc data were collected to assess whether the size distributions of
serving vessels changed as Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center.
In addition, the relationship between exterior painted decoration and
vessel size was examined to determine whether serving bowls of different
sizes were used for different purposes. The results of these analyses
are presented in the following paragraphs.
Rim-Arc Data
64
Figure 9 presents
the rim-arc analysis results. For this analysis, rim sherds were assigned
to 3-cm radius intervals using simplified radial graph paper, such that
Radius Interval 9 encompasses radii that were 6 to 9 cm, Interval 12 encompasses
radii that were 9 to 12 cm, and so on. The degrees of arc encompassed
by the sherd was also estimated to the nearest five degrees, using the
upper boundary of the interval as a guide. The total degrees of arc assigned
to each radius interval is used as the measure of abundance, rather than
the count or weight of sherds assigned to each radius interval. This approach
compensates for the tendency of smaller-diameter vessels to break into
fewer rim sherds that encompass more degrees of arc than do larger-diameter
vessels (Pierce and Varien 1999*1).
65
Analyses of rim-arc data from the Sand Canyon locality suggest
that more large bowls, and bowls of two distinct sizes, were used and
discarded in late Pueblo III community centers, compared with earlier
and contemporaneous small sites (Ortman
2000*2:par. 53–54). These changes in the distributions of bowl sizes
probably reflect differences in the kinds of meals served in late Pueblo
III community centers, compared with other sites. The rim-arc data from
Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos (Figure
9) duplicate the Sand Canyon locality results. Within Woods Canyon
Pueblo, the early Pueblo III distribution has a single mode, whereas the
late Pueblo III distribution possesses two modes at the 9- and 15-cm intervals.
The assemblage from the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket also appears
to possess a less well defined bimodal distribution, and both late Pueblo
III assemblages contain more large vessels than does the early Pueblo
III assemblage. These results suggest that the same food presentation
and consumption patterns occurred in at least four community centers (Castle
Rock, Sand Canyon, Woods Canyon, and Yellow Jacket pueblos) spread across
the central Mesa Verde region.
Vessel Size vs. Exterior Decoration
66
Ortman (2000*2:par. 59–61)
argued that the sizes of white ware bowls in Sand Canyon locality sites
reflected food-presentation and consumption practices associated with
the formation of Pueblo III villages. These practices were argued to have
affected the characteristic ways that serving vessels were viewed, leading
to changes in the way they were decorated. Data on the size and decoration
of rim sherds from white ware bowls at Woods Canyon Pueblo support and
amplify these conclusions and suggest that the social changes inferred
for the Sand Canyon locality also occurred in the Woods Canyon community.
67
During the early Pueblo III period, Woods Canyon Pueblo was a settlement
of several households, and the center of the Woods Canyon community was
probably at the Bass Site Complex (Site 5MT136), Site 5MT4700, or the
Albert Porter Preserve (Site 5MT123), all three of which are located on
the mesa top within a 2-km radius of Woods Canyon Pueblo (Database
Map 337) (Lipe and Ortman
2000*1). As Woods Canyon grew into a community center during the thirteenth
century, it is probable that an increasing number of meals were consumed
in contexts that exposed bowl exteriors to view by more-distant social
relations. In historic and modern Pueblo villages, plazas are settings
for community events including dances, ceremonies, feasts, and the redistribution
of food. An informal plaza probably was created inside the enclosing walls
of the rim complex at Woods Canyon, which suggests that analogous events
might have taken place in this village as well. If so, prepared food would
have been carried into the plaza by participants in the event, giving
spectators an opportunity to view vessels from the side. Thus, bowl exteriors
likely were viewed much more often during the late Pueblo III occupation
of Woods Canyon than during the early Pueblo III occupation.
68
Ancient Pueblo pottery vessels tended to be decorated most intensively
on areas that had relatively high contextual visibility (see Carr
1995*1:185–215; Ortman
2000*2:par. 60). Given this correlation between contextual visibility and
intensity of decoration, we might expect the exterior surfaces of white
ware bowls to have been decorated more intensively during the late Pueblo
III occupation of Woods Canyon Pueblo, when the site was a large village
and community center. This pattern has been documented for late Pueblo
III community centers in the Sand Canyon locality (Ortman
2000*2:par. 60–61), and data presented in Table
23 (see also Ortman et al. 2000*1:Table
2) show that it occurred at Woods Canyon Pueblo as well.
69
On the basis of the relative volumes of large and small serving
bowls from Sand Canyon Pueblo, Ortman
(2000*2:par. 47–48) argued that small bowls were most likely used
for individual servings, and large bowls for serving food to a household
or larger group. If this were the case, and if increased decoration of
bowl exteriors was due to increased public food presentation at communal
feasts, we could expect larger bowls to have been used more often for
such presentations. If so, large serving bowls would have been viewed
from the side more often than small bowls, and thus we might expect large
bowls to have been decorated more intensively on their exteriors. Figure
10 demonstrates that larger serving bowls were indeed decorated on
their exteriors more often than smaller bowls at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
These data support a model of increasing presentation of food in public
spaces—presumably for consumption in communal feasts—in late
Pueblo III community centers in the central Mesa Verde region.
Pottery Production and Exchange
70
This section summarizes direct and indirect evidence of pottery
production at Woods Canyon Pueblo and examines the nature of the local
pottery exchange networks in which the residents of Woods Canyon Pueblo
participated. Evidence of long-distance pottery exchange is presented
in the discussion of objects of nonlocal materials (paragraphs
129–132).
Direct Evidence of Pottery Making
71
Direct evidence of pottery production in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblage includes manufacturing tools (polishing stones), raw materials
(potting clay and temper), sherds from unfired vessels, and miscellaneous
fired clay objects. Another potential form of direct evidence of pottery
manufacture is pottery scrapers made from sherds. Although pottery scrapers
have been collected from other sites in southwestern Colorado (e.g., Wilson
1988*2:Table A.6), none were identified specifically in the Woods
Canyon modified sherd assemblage. The direct evidence of pottery production
from Woods Canyon Pueblo is listed in Table
24.
72
Polishing stones are small, very smooth, and very hard stones or
pebbles that exhibit evidence of abrasive wear. The polishing stones from
Woods Canyon were made of high-quality, fine-grained stone, including
cherts, quartzites, slate/shale, and agate/chalcedony. Even if some of
these stones were found locally, many were rare and required some effort
to procure. Traces of clay were found adhering to the surfaces of one
such stone (PD 386, FS 9), indicating that at least one of these stones
was used for polishing the surfaces of white ware vessels. It is unknown
whether polishing stones had additional uses.
73
The strongest direct evidence of pottery making consists of sherds
from vessels that had not yet been fired when the site was abandoned.
Unfired sherds were found only in Nonstructure 2.1-N at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
All of these sherds contain sherd temper and therefore are probably from
white ware vessels (see the discussion of white ware temper, paragraphs
82–83). No unfired sherds from corrugated gray ware vessels were
identified. Clays suitable for use in pottery making were also found in
several locations at Woods Canyon Pueblo. One of these samples is of raw,
untempered clay, but other samples consist of prepared pastes with sherd,
sand, and crushed sandstone tempers typically found in white ware sherds
at the site. Moistening the samples also revealed that one sample (PD
334, FS 11) appears to be slip clay, probably from the local Morrison
Formation. No samples of potting clay were recognized as containing the
coarse temper characteristic of corrugated gray ware pastes.
74
A sample of igneous rock (PD 469, FS 5) may offer a third line
of evidence for pottery manufacture at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Since the
closest major source of this material is Sleeping Ute Mountain, approximately
15 km to the south, this rock must have been carried to the site. No chipped-,
ground-, or pecked-stone tools in the Woods Canyon collection were made
of igneous rock, but this material was identified as temper in white and
corrugated gray ware sherds found at the site. It is therefore reasonable
to consider this igneous rock sample as unground pottery temper. Since
igneous rock is a much more common tempering agent in corrugated gray
wares than in white wares at Woods Canyon, this sample may be the only
direct evidence of corrugated gray ware manufacture recovered from the
excavations.
75
In addition to polishing stones, unfired sherds, potting clays,
and temper samples, a small number of unusual fired clay objects that
might or might not have been parts of pottery vessels were found in a
variety of contexts at Woods Canyon. Because these objects are fired,
have no obvious function, and were unlikely to have been traded, they
are presumed to be by-products of pottery manufacture.
76
The amount and distribution of these various forms of direct evidence
of pottery making can be used to assess the nature of pottery production
at Woods Canyon. If pottery making was an unspecialized, household-level
industry, then raw materials and tools associated with it should occur
occasionally throughout the site. On the other hand, if pottery production
was specialized, such that relatively few people made most of the pottery
used in the village, then direct evidence should be relatively abundant
in a few locations and absent in most others.
77
The evidence from Woods Canyon is tabulated by study unit in Table
25 and suggests that production of white ware pottery was unspecialized.
Direct evidence of white ware manufacture is not especially abundant in
any single location, but is widely distributed at the site, despite the
fact that most structures and features were subjected to only limited
testing. Because the excavations were limited, it is possible that concentrations
of direct evidence remain to be found in areas that were not excavated.
Nevertheless, the fact that direct evidence was found in so many of the
tested structures suggests that white ware production was a household-based,
part-time activity. This pattern has been noted at numerous other sites
in southwestern Colorado (Errickson
1993*1; Ortman 2000*2: par. 69;
Wilson 1988*2, 1991*1).
78
In contrast, little direct evidence of corrugated gray ware production
was found. This may be attributed at least in part to the fact that polishing
stones are not used in gray ware manufacture. Nevertheless, no unfired
corrugated sherds or coarse-tempered raw clay samples were identified
in the Woods Canyon Pueblo collection, leaving open the possibility that
corrugated gray ware production was organized quite differently from white
ware production.
Indirect Evidence of Pottery Making
79
Available indirect evidence of pottery production and exchange
consists of temper data from white and gray ware sherds. In this section,
temper data from Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow
Jacket Pueblo are used to examine the nature of local pottery exchange.
This analysis builds on previous studies of local pottery exchange in
the Sand Canyon locality (Glowacki
1995*1; Glowacki et al. 1995*1,
1998*1; Thurs
et al. 1996*1) and other areas in southwestern Colorado using instrumental
neutron activation analysis (INAA) data (Glowacki
et al. 1997*1) as well as temper data (Blinman
1986*2; Blinman and Wilson 1988*3,
1992*1, 1993*1;
Ortman 2000*2:par. 78–83). The
studies have identified distinct white ware manufacturing tracts and have
documented modest levels of vessel movement between sites. Evidence for
long-distance, interregional pottery exchange is presented in the discussion
of objects made of nonlocal materials (paragraphs
129–132).
80
Most of the tempers identified in the examined sherds were readily
available to potters at both sites. However, it is likely that igneous
rock was not locally available at Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos.
Igneous rock originates in the intrusive volcanic mountains of the Four
Corners area, including Sleeping Ute Mountain and the San Juan Mountains
in Colorado, the Abajo Mountains in Utah, and the Carrizo and Chuska mountains
in Arizona and New Mexico. Weathered igneous cobbles suitable for use
as pottery temper can be found on terraces along the watercourses that
drain these mountains. The closest known source of igneous rock to Woods
Canyon Pueblo is Ute Mountain, located approximately 15 km south of the
site, and the closest known source to Yellow Jacket Pueblo is the Dolores
River valley, approximately 10 km northeast of the site.
81
Cross-cultural data compiled by Arnold
(1985*1:51–56) suggest that potters in small-scale societies
tend to travel no more than 6 to 9 km to obtain temper for pottery making.
Both Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket pueblos are more than 9 km from the
closest major source of igneous rock for each site. This suggests that
at least some of the igneous-tempered sherds from these two sites are
from vessels that were made at sites closer to igneous rock sources. However,
the fact that a sample of igneous rock was recovered from Woods Canyon
Pueblo leaves open the possibility that this material was acquired for
use as pottery temper through exchange or special collection trips to
the sources.
White Ware Temper Data
82
Table 26 presents
temper data for a sample of white ware bowl rims from the early and late
Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and from the great tower
complex at Yellow Jacket. These sherds were examined using a binocular
microscope, and each was classified on the basis of the most abundant
type of nonplastic inclusion mixed with the clay during paste preparation.
The four temper categories identified were crushed sandstone, quartz sand,
crushed igneous rock, and crushed sherd. The results of analysis are tabulated
by count and by the proportion of each category within the sample from
each component.
83
These data indicate that most white ware vessels from these sites
were tempered with crushed potsherds or crushed sandstone. Very few were
tempered with sand or igneous rock. The rarity of igneous-tempered white
wares is consistent with the location of these sites far from igneous
rock sources. Igneous temper is much more common in white ware vessels
deposited at sites located close to sources of this material. For example,
approximately 30 percent of the white ware vessels at Castle Rock Pueblo,
which is located adjacent to Ute Mountain, had igneous rock temper (Ortman
2000*2:Table 21).
Corrugated Gray Ware Temper Data
84
Table 27 presents
temper data for a sample of corrugated gray ware rims from the early and
late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo and the great tower
complex at Yellow Jacket. These sherds were examined using a binocular
microscope, and each was classified on the basis of the most abundant
type of nonplastic inclusion mixed with the clay during paste preparation.
The results are tabulated by count and by the proportion of each category
within the sample from each component.
85
A number of distinct tempers—crushed sandstone, quartz sand,
and igneous rock—were identified in the corrugated sherds. These
same tempers are also present in white ware sherds, although in finer
particle sizes. Additional tempers observed in the corrugated sherds were
derived from some form of weathered or decomposed sedimentary or metamorphic
rock. Multilithic sands are usually coarse, weathered, subangular grains
of various colors and rock types. They may derive from weathered conglomerate
sandstone. Weathered metamorphic temper appears to be crushed or cracked
chunks of rock described as having granular morphology, uniform texture,
and fluid colors. They probably derived from weathered chunks of metamorphosed
or silicified sandstone. This poorly understood material appears to have
been the primary tempering agent used by the inhabitants of Woods Canyon
Pueblo in making corrugated gray ware pottery.
Comparison of White Ware and Corrugated Gray Ware Tempers
86
There are many differences in the tempers used in white ware and
corrugated gray ware vessels. Sherd, the most common temper in white ware
vessels, is completely absent in the corrugated gray ware samples. There
is also a wider variety of sedimentary tempers used in corrugated vessels
than in white ware vessels. Finally, igneous temper is much more common
in corrugated gray ware vessels than in white ware vessels in each component.
These differences in temper use between corrugated gray and white ware
vessels are probably related to differences in the ways these vessels
were used. Corrugated gray ware vessels were cooking pots that were routinely
subjected to thermal stress by being placed over open fires, which created
marked temperature variation along the vessel walls and between the interior
and exterior surfaces (Pierce 1998*1).
Tempering agents that resisted thermal expansion counteracted the tendency
of fired clay to expand when heated and helped corrugated vessels withstand
thermal stress without cracking or breaking (West
1992*1). In addition, the larger temper particles in cooking pots
help diffuse microfractures that develop during use, thus increasing the
use life of the vessel (Varien 1999*1:Chp.
4).
87
White ware vessels, in contrast, were used for serving and storage
and were not exposed to significant thermal stress after firing. As a
result, temper in white ware pastes functioned primarily to keep unfired
vessels from cracking as they dried. Presumably, sherd temper could be
used in white ware vessels, even though this would result in an effectively
"untempered" finished fabric, because temper was not necessary for the
typical uses of finished white ware vessels.
88
In a recent study, Hensler
(1999*1:676–682) compared the thermal-stress resistance of corrugated
gray ware sherds tempered with sand and trachyte—the latter a type
of igneous rock found in the Chuska Mountains of New Mexico and Arizona.
She found that trachyte-tempered sherds appeared to possess greater thermal-stress
resistance than did sand-tempered sherds, and she attributed this difference
to the performance characteristics of trachyte temper. These characteristics
may also apply to the local igneous tempers used in the central Mesa Verde
region. If so, it is likely that cooking pots tempered with igneous rock
functioned better than cooking pots tempered with sedimentary rock.
89
Ortman (2000*2:par. 77–83)
examined the distribution of igneous-tempered white ware vessels at late
Pueblo III sites across southwestern Colorado, including Woods Canyon
Pueblo and the great tower complex at Yellow Jacket, and found that this
distribution supported a model of unstructured, down-the-line exchange,
probably taking the form of gift exchange between friends and relatives
living in nearby settlements. This interpretation was based partly on
the assumption that there would be no functional advantage to using igneous
temper in white ware vessels. There are insufficient data to determine
whether corrugated vessels diffused over the social landscape in the same
way. However, the higher frequency of igneous-tempered corrugated sherds
than white ware sherds across the sampled components suggests that igneous-tempered
corrugated vessels were used more widely than igneous-tempered white ware
vessels. Whether such vessels were exchanged more widely over the social
landscape or were manufactured more widely cannot be determined from the
available data.
90
Regardless of the cause, it is likely that the more widespread
distribution of igneous-tempered corrugated sherds at a given distance
from igneous rock sources is due to the fact that igneous-tempered cooking
pots worked better than cooking pots tempered with other materials, including
the sedimentary and metamorphic tempers found in most of the corrugated
sherds examined from Woods Canyon and Yellow Jacket. If the value of igneous-tempered
cooking pots was recognized, residents probably would have tried either
to make such vessels using imported igneous temper or to obtain finished
vessels through trade. This model also raises the possibility that corrugated
gray ware vessels were produced specifically for exchange in communities
located close to igneous rock sources.
Chipped-Stone Tools and Manufacturing Debris
Definitions of Raw Material Categories
91
Although knowledge of lithic-procurement sites and the availability
of raw material in southwestern Colorado is limited, the raw materials
out of which Woods Canyon Pueblo chipped-stone tools were made can be
grouped into local, semilocal, and nonlocal stone types. Each group is
discussed briefly in this section.
Local Raw Materials
92
Local lithic raw materials are of average to poor quality; they
occur within the geological strata exposed in Sandstone, Woods, and Yellow
Jacket canyons; and they likely were available within easy walking distance
of Woods Canyon Pueblo. The closest known source of Dakota quartzite is
in a short tributary of Woods Canyon, approximately 2 km downstream from
the site. There is an ancient quarry in this area with numerous large
flakes and "tested" cores of Dakota quartzite on the modern ground surface.
Fine-grained and conglomerate sandstones are also available from the Burro
Canyon Formation and the Dakota Sandstone at this location and elsewhere.
Morrison quartzite and chert/siltstone, both from the Brushy Basin Member
of the Morrison Formation, are also widely available in the local canyons
near Woods Canyon Pueblo. Finally, although specific sources have not
been identified, slates and shales are available in the Mancos Formation
and the Dakota Sandstone, both of which outcrop in Woods Canyon and throughout
the uplands of southwestern Colorado.
Semilocal Raw Materials
93
Semilocal lithic raw materials are of relatively good quality and
probably occur less widely in their geological strata of origin than do
local raw materials. As a result, such materials were potentially local
but probably more difficult to obtain, possibly requiring special collecting
trips. Agate/chalcedony and petrified wood occasionally occur within the
Burro Canyon Formation and the Dakota Sandstone, as well as in other formations
that outcrop farther away. Jet occasionally occurs within shale and coal-bearing
deposits in the Dakota Sandstone and the Mancos and Menefee formations.
The closest known sources of Burro Canyon chert to Woods Canyon Pueblo
occur in the Dolores River valley and on Cannonball Mesa, both approximately
20 to 25 km away. Known sources of Brushy Basin chert occur around the
San Juan River near the Four Corners monument, approximately 50 km from
Woods Canyon (Green 1985*1:71–72).
Nonlocal Raw Materials
94
These lithic materials are high quality and definitely do not occur
within easy walking distance of Woods Canyon Pueblo; thus they must have
been acquired through special collecting trips or trade. Red jasper comes
from Triassic and Permian formations of the Monument Upwarp and Elk Ridge
Uplift in southeastern Utah, west of Cottonwood Wash. Obsidian is likely
to have come from either the Jemez Mountains of New Mexico or the San
Francisco Peaks in Arizona, where sources of widely exchanged obsidian
are known (Shackley 1988*1,
1995*1). No Washington (Narbona)
Pass chert was identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo chipped-stone artifact
assemblage.
Artifact Type vs. Raw Material
By Count
95
Table 28 summarizes
the number of chipped-stone artifacts made from various raw materials
in the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo (for
definitions of the artifact types used, see the Crow Canyon laboratory
manual). Chipped-stone artifacts are grouped into the following categories:
cores and core tools (cores, modified cores, and peckingstones); flake
tools (modified flakes); and formal tools (bifaces, drills, and projectile
points). Hammerstones, which are believed to have been used to make chipped-stone
tools, and polishing/hammerstones, whose use(s) are unknown, are also
included in this table. The full suite of raw material categories was
considered for projectile points, bifaces, and drills; but because Brushy
Basin chert, Burro Canyon chert, and red jasper were recorded only in
"comments" for other chipped-stone artifact categories, their presence
may be underrepresented in those categories. If these materials were not
identified consistently, then red jasper probably would have been classified
as nonlocal chert/siltstone, Brushy Basin chert as Morrison chert/siltstone
or unknown chert/siltstone, and Burro Canyon chert as unknown chert/siltstone.
96
The only noticeable change in raw material use over the occupation
of the pueblo is an apparent increase in the use of finer-grained Morrison
Formation materials (Morrison chert/siltstone), relative to larger-grained
Morrison Formation materials (Morrison quartzite) for informal chipped-stone
tools (cores, core tools, and flake tools) in the late Pueblo III component.
This pattern is mirrored in the chipped-stone-debris data (Table
33).
By Percentage
97
Table 29 summarizes
the percentages of objects in each chipped-stone artifact category that
were made of various raw materials. In this table, data from both temporal
components are considered as one. The absence of nonlocal raw materials
among cores and in the sample of chipped-stone debris (see paragraph
104) suggests that nonlocal raw materials came to Woods Canyon Pueblo
primarily in the form of finished formal tools. Nonlocal materials do
not appear to have been procured directly or reduced at the site. Semilocal
materials also occur primarily in the form of formal tools, but the presence
of a few pieces of chipped-stone debris and one projectile point preform
made of semilocal stone suggests that these materials were occasionally
worked at the site. Whether semilocal materials were obtained through
trade or special collection trips is unknown.
98
Among local raw materials, the readily available materials from
the Morrison Formation dominate the expedient-tool assemblage, suggesting
that peckingstones and modified flakes were made from whatever material
was at hand or easily obtainable. Dakota quartzite also occurs among core
and flake tools, and it dominates the formal tool assemblage, suggesting
that this material was procured directly and worked at the site. However,
many materials that were more difficult to obtain—for example, agate/chalcedony,
Burro Canyon chert, red jasper, and obsidian—are also common among
formal tools. This suggests that projectile points, bifaces, and drills
were made from high-quality raw materials, either at Woods Canyon or elsewhere,
regardless of the availability of those materials in the local environment.
Mass Analysis of Chipped-Stone Debris
99
A sample of chipped-stone flakes and angular debris from secondary
refuse deposits assigned to each temporal component was analyzed using
mass analysis techniques developed by Ahler
(1989*1; see also Patterson
1990*1; Shott 1994*1). Each
piece was examined for the presence of cortex and then was sorted by size
using a set of nested screens (1-in, ½-in, and ¼-in mesh). Items in the
resultant groups were counted and weighed (for details on these procedures,
see the laboratory
manual). The data presented in the following paragraphs suggest possible
changes in the nature of chipped-stone reduction over the course of the
Pueblo III period at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Raw Material vs. Cortex
By Count and Weight
100
Table 30 presents
counts and weights of chipped-stone debris of various raw materials, distinguishing
between pieces with and without cortex. The percentage of pieces of each
raw material with cortex and the percentage of pieces of each raw material
in the entire sample of chipped-stone debris are also presented. The table
shows that, in general, fine-grained materials (cherts and siltstones)
are more abundant by count, and coarse-grained materials (quartzites)
are more abundant by weight. In the same way that sherd size affects the
relative proportion of sherds assigned to various typological categories
by count and weight, differences in the relative abundance of raw materials
by count and weight in chipped-stone debris probably relate to differences
in the average size of flakes of various raw materials. A greater percentage
by count probably indicates that flakes of that material are smaller than
average; a greater percentage by weight probably indicates that flakes
of that material are larger than average; and a relatively equal percentage
by count and weight probably indicates that flakes of a given material
are average-sized, relative to flakes of all materials in the assemblage.
101
However, unlike pottery sherds, almost every piece of chipped-stone
debris could be assigned to a specific raw-material category. Thus, differences
in the abundance of raw materials by count and weight reflect differences
in the flake-size distributions of these materials and do not reflect
analytical biases. On the basis of this principle, it appears that chert
flakes tend to be smaller than quartzite flakes in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblage. Flake-size distributions for common local raw materials (Figure
11) support this interpretation, in that there are fewer large flakes
and more small flakes of Morrison chert/siltstone than of Morrison and
Dakota quartzite in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage.
102
Table 30 also shows
that, overall, cortex is present on approximately one in five pieces of
chipped-stone debris by count, and one-third of chipped-stone debris by
weight. The greater percentage of cortex by weight as opposed to count
indicates that pieces of chipped-stone debris with cortex are generally
larger than pieces that do not have cortex. This is an expected result,
because cortex tends to be removed during the initial stages of raw-material
reduction, and flake size generally decreases during later stages of reduction.
The difference between the percentages of pieces with cortex by count
vs. weight is also much greater for Morrison Formation materials than
for Dakota quartzite. This suggests that pieces of Morrison material with
cortex tend to be larger than average, whereas pieces of Dakota material
with cortex tend to be of average size. This pattern is also supported
by the flake-size data in Table
31. One possible interpretation of this pattern is that Dakota quartzite
was reduced more completely than Morrison Formation materials because
of differences in the kinds of tools most often made using these respective
materials.
By Size Category
103
Table 31 presents
the number of pieces of various raw materials, with and without cortex,
that fall into each size class used in the mass analysis. The smallest
size category, smaller than ¼ in, is underrepresented among these data,
because the screens used to collect artifacts in the field had ¼-in mesh,
which resulted in most artifacts of this size falling through the screen
in the field. The few flakes of this size in the sample are all of local
material, and very few have cortex. Overall, it is apparent that pieces
of local raw material with cortex tend to be larger than pieces that do
not have cortex. Also, even though there are very few pieces of semilocal
material in the sample of chipped-stone debris, several pieces of semilocal
materials do have cortex, suggesting that primary reduction of these materials
did occur occasionally at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Raw Materials by Component
104
Table 32 summarizes
the sizes of pieces of various raw materials in the analyzed samples from
the early and late Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. There
are too few pieces of semilocal material in the overall sample of chipped-stone
debris to determine whether any changes in the availability or use of
these materials occurred over time. However, there are relatively fewer
flakes of Dakota quartzite in the late Pueblo III sample than in the early
Pueblo III sample. This pattern is also apparent in Table
33, which presents the total count and weight of chipped-stone debris
of various raw materials in the early and late Pueblo III samples, and
in Table 34, which presents
the percentage of chipped-stone debris of various raw materials by count
and weight. Table 33 also shows that the mean weight of a piece of chipped-stone
debris decreased over time, suggesting that raw materials were reduced
more extensively during the late Pueblo III occupation of the pueblo.
Flake-Size Distributions
105
Experimental studies (Patterson
1990*1; Shott 1994*1) suggest
that plots illustrating the percentage of flakes of various sizes in an
assemblage can be used to determine the dominant reduction mode reflected
in that assemblage. Flake-size plots summarizing the by-products of experimental
dart-point manufacture usually exhibit a concave curve, with a low percentage
of large flakes and exponentially increasing numbers of smaller flakes.
In contrast, flake-size distributions derived from experimental primary-core-reduction
assemblages show a more irregular pattern, with more medium-size flakes
and fewer small flakes than are produced in bifacial reduction.
106
Figure 11 presents
flake-size distributions for the three most common raw materials in the
analyzed sample of chipped-stone debris from Woods Canyon Pueblo. These
distributions do not closely approximate experimental bifacial-reduction
assemblages, and they suggest that the dominant mode of lithic reduction
at Woods Canyon was primary-core reduction. This is an expected result,
since the stone artifact assemblage is dominated by expedient core and
flake tools, which would not produce very many small flakes. It is somewhat
surprising that the flake-size distribution for Dakota quartzite, a preferred
local material for bifacially flaked tools, does not exhibit a shape consistent
with experimental bifacial-reduction assemblages.
107
Several factors may have contributed to this lack of correspondence.
First, Dakota quartzite was used for both expedient and formal tools,
so we should expect the resulting chipped-stone debris to reflect both
primary-core and bifacial reduction. Second, many of the flakes produced
in bifacial reduction are pressure flakes that would fall through the
1/4-inch mesh used to screen deposits in the field. It is thus conceivable
that the flake-size distribution of an assemblage collected through 1/8-inch
mesh would exhibit a more concave shape. Third, the replicated projectile
point types used to define flake-size distributions for bifacial reduction
(see Patterson 1990*1; Shott
1994*1) may not be comparable to Puebloan projectile points. Most
of the bifacially flaked tools in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage are
small arrow points, whereas the replicated points in the experimental
studies used to define flake-size distributions are larger dart points.
One must produce a bifacially flaked preform as an intermediate step in
dart point manufacture, but an arrow point can also be created by pressure-flaking
a primary flake of appropriate size and shape. The by-products of arrow
points made in this way might produce very different flake-size distributions
than those observed in dart-point replication studies.
108
Figures 12 through 14 present flake-size distributions for the
three most common raw materials in the early and late Pueblo III samples
from Woods Canyon Pueblo, and these data allow an assessment of whether
the distributions changed over time. The flake-size distributions for
Morrison quartzite (Figure 12)
and Morrison chert/siltstone (Figure
13) chipped-stone debris suggest that there was little change in the
reduction of these materials during the occupation of the village. In
contrast, the shape of the flake-size distribution for Dakota quartzite,
a preferred raw material for formal tool manufacture, does vary across
the early and late Pueblo III samples (Figure
14). The early Pueblo III sample is similar to the flake-size distributions
for Morrison Formation materials, but the late Pueblo III sample exhibits
a slightly concave curve.
109
Several scenarios could account for this change. One is that formal
tools were produced more often during the late Pueblo III occupation of
Woods Canyon, perhaps in response to increased hunting activity or violent
conflict. This possibility does not appear to be borne out by the data
for chipped-stone tools, which do not suggest any significant increase
in formal tool manufacture during the late Pueblo III occupation.
110
A second possibility is resource depletion. This also seems unlikely,
since a major source of this material is still apparent on the modern
ground surface 2 km downstream from the village. Table
35 presents counts and weights of chipped-stone raw materials by temporal
component and presence/absence of cortex. If resource depletion did occur,
one might expect to find fewer pieces of Dakota quartzite, and fewer large
pieces with cortex, in the late Pueblo III assemblage. The data present
an inconsistent picture. Although there are relatively fewer pieces of
Dakota quartzite chipped-stone debris overall, a few large and heavy pieces
with cortex dominate the late Pueblo III sample. Figure
15 shows that most of the late Pueblo III sample by weight has cortex,
a result inconsistent with resource-depletion models.
111
A third possibility is that Dakota quartzite was worked more often
within the village, as opposed to outside the village,
during the late Pueblo III occupation. The widespread occurrence of defensible
architecture and physical evidence of violence (Kuckelman
2000*1; Lipe et al. 1999*1:338–343)
at late Pueblo III sites suggests that conflict was endemic during the
final decades of Puebloan occupation in the central Mesa Verde region.
If so, it may have become hazardous for people to remain outside the confines
of the village for extended periods. This could have affected the reduction
pathway for Dakota quartzite. Much more research on chipped-stone tool
production is needed to address questions raised by the chipped-stone
debris at ancient Pueblo sites.
Analysis of Projectile Points and Bifaces
Catalog, Analysis Data, and Provenience
112
Table 36 is a catalog
of all projectile points and bifaces collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Information regarding the original use, condition, material, production
stage, and size of each item, as well as the context in which each was
found, is presented. The point-classification scheme used follows Lekson
(1997*1), Pierce (1999*1),
Holmer (1986*1), and Hayes
and Lancaster (1975*1). A single large, corner-notched point (PD 603,
FS 5) characteristic of early Pueblo (Basketmaker III and Pueblo I) occupation
was found in Nonstructure 7-N, in mixed postabandonment and cultural refuse.
This object may represent an heirloom or an artifact from early use of
the area around the site that subsequently washed into the site deposits.
All other diagnostic points are of styles that are common in Pueblo sites
dating to the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods.
Form vs. Raw Material
113
Table 37 summarizes
the raw materials out of which projectile points and bifaces of various
types were made. There are two large/medium, side-notched points of agate/chalcedony
and a few small, side-notched points of nonlocal materials (obsidian,
red jasper) that could have been made elsewhere and traded into Woods
Canyon Pueblo. But none of these points is stylistically distinctive.
The recovery of an unfinished agate/chalcedony projectile point and the
presence of a few flakes of agate/chalcedony in the sample of chipped-stone
debris suggest that points of this material could have been made locally.
The absence of obsidian and red jasper in the chipped-stone debris sample
and among unfinished points, however, suggests that these points were
made elsewhere and traded into the site.
114
Among the local raw materials, Dakota quartzite was clearly favored
over Morrison chert/siltstone for projectile points, despite the fact
that Morrison Formation materials dominate the overall chipped-stone assemblage
(Table 34). A number of corner-notched
points typical of Pueblo II–period occupation (Hayes
and Lancaster 1975*1; Lekson
1997*1), including two Rosegate series points (Holmer
1986*1), were also identified. Such points are associated with both
the early and the late Pueblo III components.
Production Stage vs. Raw Material
115
Several of the points and bifaces from Woods Canyon Pueblo are
interpreted as projectile points in various stages of production (Table
38). These unfinished projectile points were classified according
to Whittaker's (1994*1:199–206)
scheme. Stage 2 refers to preforms, and Stage 3 to refined but unfinished
points. These unfinished points constitute direct evidence that projectile
points of Dakota quartzite and agate/chalcedony were made at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. The abundance of Morrison chert/siltstone in the overall chipped-stone
assemblage suggests that the single point of this material was also made
at the site. The two points of Burro Canyon chert may or may not have
been made at the site, and the three points of nonlocal materials (obsidian
and red jasper) probably were not.
Artifact Category vs. Site Section
116
Table 39 summarizes
the ground-stone artifacts collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo, according
to the section of the site—canyon rim, canyon bottom, upper west
side, or east talus slope—where each was found (for definitions of
the artifact categories used, see the Crow Canyon laboratory
manual). Intrasite analysis of artifact assemblages from the seven
tested areas of the pueblo (see paragraphs
137–144) suggests that ground-stone tools were unusually abundant
in the canyon rim (Area 7) relative to the total number of artifacts recovered
from this area. Most of these artifacts are from the rim complex itself.
For example, only two of the 11 ground-stone tools in the canyon rim assemblage
were found outside the rim complex, in Nonstructure 9-N (see Database
Map 334), and both were classified as indeterminate ground stone.
The nine tools from inside the complex were of a number of different types,
and most were probably used for grinding corn.
Artifact Category vs. Raw Material
117
Table 40 summarizes
the ground-stone artifacts from Woods Canyon according to the kind of
stone from which they were made. The table shows that most ground-stone
tools were made of sandstone, a locally available, relatively coarse grained
material.
Artifact Category vs. Condition
118
Table 41 summarizes
the ground-stone artifacts from Woods Canyon Pueblo according to their
condition. Relatively few fragmentary ground-stone artifacts were classified
as abraders or one-hand manos, because their fragmentary condition made
it difficult for analysts to distinguish them from other ground-stone
artifacts.
Pecked and Polished Stone Tools
Polished Igneous Stones and Polishing/Hammerstones
119
Table 42 catalogs
all the polished igneous stones and polishing/hammerstones collected from
Woods Canyon Pueblo (for definitions of these artifact categories, see
the laboratory
manual). All the polishing/hammerstones were found in late Pueblo
III contexts, and all the polished igneous stones were found in early
Pueblo III contexts. The closest sources of the igneous rock from which
the polished igneous stones were made are McElmo Creek and the Dolores
River valley, both of which are more than 15 km from Woods Canyon Pueblo.
This suggests that either the raw material or the finished artifacts were
obtained through exchange. The uses of polishing/hammerstones are uncertain,
but these tools are similar in form and wear patterns to artifacts used
as hide grinders in historic Walpi (Adams
1988*4).
Axes and Mauls
120
Table 43 is an inventory
of all the stone axes and mauls identified in the Woods Canyon Pueblo
assemblage. The condition of each item, the material from which each was
made, basic measurements, and descriptions of use wear are reported in
this table, along with assessments of inferred use. For definitions of
the axe and maul categories, see the on-line laboratory
manual. Minimum measurements recorded under "Comments" indicate
the minimum possible measurement for a given dimension based on a fragment.
Table 44 summarizes the provenience
of each object.
121
Most axes and mauls were made of Morrison quartzite, although Dakota
quartzite was used as well. Only one maul in the Woods Canyon Pueblo assemblage
(PD 198, FS 18) is interpreted as a definite weapon. This interpretation
is based on Woodbury's (1954*1)
review of ethnographic data on the traditional uses of axes and mauls
among the Pueblo, in which he reported that spherical, grooved mauls were
fastened to leather thongs and used as weapons in historic times. A small,
single-bitted axe that lacks use wear (PD 128, FS 20) also conforms to
Woodbury's definition of a weapon, but it seems unusually small to have
been used for this purpose.
122
Most of the remaining axes and mauls found at Woods Canyon appear
to have been worn out from heavy use, and few were found in their original,
undamaged state. In most cases, flakes and spalls that broke off of axes
and mauls during use were classified as bulk chipped stone. The evidence
of battering on maul heads and of large flakes removed from them suggests
that mauls were used for quarrying and shaping stone. Large flakes were
also removed from the bit ends of axes, but battering damage, such as
occurs from stone-on-stone contact, was rare, suggesting that heavier
axes were used for chopping and splitting wood. On the basis of replication
experiments, Mills (1987*1)
inferred that axes also might have been used for chopping sagebrush at
ground level, possibly as a step in clearing fields.
Inventory
123
A wide variety of stones and minerals that were polished, ground,
flaked, battered, fire altered, or unmodified were found at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. These objects are listed in Table
45, along with their condition, material, weight, and provenience.
Modification vs. Raw Material
124
Table 46 summarizes
the other stones and minerals from Woods Canyon Pueblo, according to the
kind of modification present (if any) and the raw material from which
each was made. The "ground" category refers to miscellaneous pieces of
stone that did not fit into other ground-stone tool categories. Pigment
stones are of iron-rich material and have one or more abraded surfaces
resulting from having been ground in order to obtain the pigment. The
"polished" category includes objects that are probably ornament fragments
or blanks lacking perforations, as well as larger fragments of polished
shale. Unmodified stones and minerals were collected when, in the excavator's
opinion, they were objects that did not occur naturally at Woods Canyon
Pueblo and therefore must have been collected and carried to the site
by its inhabitants. Finally, fossils might have been collected for their
spiritual value.
125
One piece of worked turquoise (PD 241, FS 17) that might have been
an inlay piece was found. This object is made of a material that does
not occur naturally in the northern San Juan region, and therefore either
the raw material or the finished piece must have been obtained through
trade. A piece of nonlocal chert/siltstone was probably imported; it could
have been raw material procured, but never actually used, for the manufacture
of chipped-stone tools.
126
Table 47 lists the
bone tools collected from Woods Canyon Pueblo, along with their condition,
species and element identifications, and provenience (for definitions
of the categories used, see the laboratory
manual). Species and element identifications for these objects
were made by Driver (see "Faunal
Remains"). Most of the worked-bone objects classified as "other modified
bone" were fragmentary, and therefore this category most likely contains
indeterminate bone artifacts rather than artifacts that do not fit into
the other bone tool categories.
127
Table 48 summarizes
these objects by artifact type, species, element, and temporal component.
It is apparent from these data that certain species were preferred for
specific types of bone tools. The larger bones and antlers of artiodactyls
(deer and elk) were preferred for hide scrapers and pressure-flakers,
whereas the smaller-diameter long bones of domestic turkeys and possibly
other large birds were better suited for needles and awls. The modified
lynx or bobcat bone may have been a ritual item, since large cats do not
appear to have made a significant contribution to the diet of the Woods
Canyon Pueblo inhabitants (see "Faunal
Remains").
128
These data also indicate that more bone tools were recovered per
gram of corrugated pottery from contexts assigned to the late Pueblo III
component than from those assigned to the early Pueblo III component.
This suggests that certain activities requiring bone tools may have taken
place more often than activities related to cooking during the late Pueblo
III occupation of the site. Since the majority of identifiable bone tools
are awls, and cooking was an essential daily activity in all households,
it is possible that the increase in bone tool deposition over time derives
from a corresponding increase in weaving and sewing activities. Intrasite
analyses (see paragraphs 139–142) further
indicate that bone tools from the late Pueblo III component were especially
abundant in Area 5 (Nonstructures 3-N and 10-N and Structure 7-S). This
spatial clustering may indicate that a specialist weaver or basketmaker
lived in Area 5. However, the specific functions of bone awls in the Woods
Canyon Pueblo assemblage were not investigated further.
Inventory
129
Table 49 is an inventory
of all artifacts and ecofacts in the Woods Canyon Pueblo collection made
of raw materials that do not occur in southwestern Colorado. The table
shows the material from which each object was made, the closest possible
source of each material, and the provenience of each item.
130
Very few objects of nonlocal materials were found in the excavations
at Woods Canyon. Only four nonlocal red ware sherds were found. These
sherds were not examined further, but probably represent either White
Mountain Red Ware or Tsegi Orange Ware. Two projectile points of red jasper
were probably made in the northern San Juan region west of Comb Ridge
(in southeast Utah), and an obsidian point was probably made either in
the Flagstaff area of northern Arizona or in the Jemez Mountains in New
Mexico. One piece of worked turquoise likely was made in northern New
Mexico. One unmodified olivella sp. shell also must have been
obtained through trade from either the Gulf of California or the Pacific
coast. Most of the nonlocal objects appear to have come from other parts
of the Puebloan world to the south, east, and west. There is no evidence
of exchange with more northerly peoples such as the Fremont and Numic
peoples of Utah and Colorado.
Relative Density of Nonlocal Objects
131
One way to compare the intensity of exchange relationships between
sites is to divide the number of nonlocal objects by the total grams of
corrugated pottery recovered. Corrugated pottery is a useful benchmark
for comparison of artifact densities across assemblages because cooking
pots are heavily used and eventually break, and the sherds accumulate
at relatively consistent rates proportional to the population size and
occupation span of a site (Varien
1999*1:Chp. 4). Table 50
presents these data for Castle Rock Pueblo and for the early and late
Pueblo III components at Woods Canyon Pueblo. These data show that the
rate of deposition of nonlocal objects at Woods Canyon decreased over
time, but was always lower than at Castle Rock, even during the early
Pueblo III occupation.
132
Very few nonlocal objects are found in southwest Colorado sites
dating from the late Pueblo III period (Ortman
2000*2:par. 84–90, 129–131), but even by this standard, the density
of such objects at Woods Canyon Pueblo is low. The locations of Woods
Canyon and Castle Rock pueblos may be responsible for this difference.
Castle Rock is located on McElmo Creek, a likely east-west travel route,
whereas Woods Canyon Pueblo is located in the center of a maze-like canyon
system and was surrounded by a dense cluster of additional Pueblo III
villages. Both factors could have resulted in fewer long-distance travelers
visiting Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Catalog of Beads, Pendants, and Tubes
133
Table 51 lists analysis
and provenience information for objects of personal adornment found at
Woods Canyon Pueblo (for definitions of the artifact categories used,
see the on-line laboratory
manual). The majority of beads and pendants were incomplete or fragmentary,
and it is likely that additional fragmentary pendants were classified
as shaped sherds. Most of these objects were found in secondary refuse.
These patterns contrast with those documented at Castle Rock, where most
objects of personal adornment were complete and were found in contexts
that suggest accidental loss rather than discard in middens (Ortman
2000*2:par. 132).
Raw Materials by Component
134
Table 52 summarizes
the distribution of objects of personal adornment by raw material and
component. These objects were made of many different raw materials, many
of which were unusual, precious, and/or nonlocal to southwestern Colorado.
Unusual or rare materials are used selectively for personal adornment
in many cultures throughout the world. The deposition rate of objects
of personal adornment at Woods Canyon Pueblo does not appear to have changed
over time.
Kiva Floor Assemblages
135
The total weight of artifacts found on the floors of kivas has
been used as a line of evidence in assigning excavated areas of Woods
Canyon Pueblo to temporal components (see "Chronology").
Table 53 presents counts
and weights of pottery sherds, vessels, chipped-stone debris, and other
artifacts found on the floors of these structures. Approximately 2 m2
of floor was exposed in each structure, with the exception of Structure
9-S, where approximately 1 m2 was exposed. These data indicate
that, for the most part, more and heavier artifacts were left on the floors
of kivas assigned to the late Pueblo III component than were left on the
floors of kivas assigned to the early Pueblo III component. Counts of
chipped-stone debris are the only exception to this pattern, although
the weights indicate that heavier and perhaps still usable pieces of chipped-stone
debris tended to be left in the late Pueblo III structures. Several of
the very large and heavy "other artifacts" left on the floors of the late
Pueblo III structures are ground, pecked, and polished stone tools, including
axes, manos, and metates. In contrast, the few items found on the floors
of kivas assigned to the early Pueblo III component (a broken projectile
point and bone awl, an expended core, and a bone tube) were small, light,
and often broken, and they easily could have been overlooked when inhabitants
of these structures moved to a new location.
136
The fact that both depleted and de facto (that is, containing still-usable
artifacts) floor assemblages are present in the tested kivas at Woods
Canyon Pueblo suggests two different abandonment modes for structures
at the site, and supports the inference that the site had a relatively
long use history. Early Pueblo III structures were abandoned by people
who made short-distance moves, possibly within the site itself, and who
carried usable objects to their new homes. In contrast, the number of
usable objects left behind in late Pueblo III structures indicates that
the inhabitants of these structures moved farther away and did not plan
to return. This implies that Woods Canyon Pueblo was occupied up until
the final decades of Pueblo occupation in the central Mesa Verde region.
For further discussion of kiva floor assemblages from Woods Canyon, see
"Chronology" and
"Abandonment and Emigration."
Artifact Assemblages by Site Area
137
Analysis of the architecture and layout of Pueblo III villages
in the central Mesa Verde region has identified significant variation
in the inventory and arrangement of various architectural features, including
towers, kivas, surface rooms, multiwalled structures, plazas and great
kivas, enclosing walls, and room- and kiva-dominated blocks (Lipe
and Ortman 2000*1). Whether this architectural variation correlates
with social or functional differentiation within and between villages
is an important question, one that is examined here through comparison
of artifact assemblages from the seven numbered areas at Woods Canyon
Pueblo (Database
Map 334). If social and/or functional differentiation existed
at the village, then one might expect different mixes of activities to
have occurred in different areas of the site and for these different activities
to be reflected in the artifact assemblages they generated.
138
Table 54 presents
counts and Table 55, relative
frequencies, of common artifacts by category in the seven excavated areas
at Woods Canyon Pueblo. The artifact categories used are the same as those
used in an intrasite analysis of kiva suites at Castle Rock Pueblo (Ortman
2000*2:par. 158–165). Formal chipped-stone tools include bifaces and
projectile points, and expedient chipped-stone tools include modified
flakes and other chipped-stone tools. All ground-stone tools and all bone
tools, respectively, are also considered together. Counts rather than
weights of pottery sherds were used for this analysis in order to increase
the interpretability of relative frequencies across all artifact categories.
Box Plots of Artifact Frequencies Across Site Areas
139
Figure 16 examines
the relative frequencies of common artifacts by category across the excavated
areas at Woods Canyon Pueblo. The percentages of these artifacts were
converted to Z-scores across site areas to facilitate comparison, because
some categories have many more items assigned to them than others. Z-scores
rescale the values of a distribution in such a way that the mean value
equals 0 and the standard deviation equals 1. For each plot, the white
box represents the midspread (middle 50 percent of cases) of the rescaled
distribution for that particular artifact category. The horizontal line
inside each box represents the median value, and the tails represent the
range of cases, excluding outliers. Outliers (indicated by circles on
the box plots) are values for a given artifact category that fall between
1.5 and 3 box lengths from the boundaries of the box, and extremes (indicated
by asterisks) are values that fall more than 3 box lengths away. Outliers
and extremes represent assemblages with unusually high or low relative
frequencies of a particular artifact category. The same outliers and extremes
shown in the plots of Z-scores are also identified in box plots of raw
frequencies.
140
Perhaps the most important pattern in these data is the lack of
evidence that qualitatively different activities occurred in one place
or another. In other words, activities that led to the deposition of the
analyzed artifacts occurred in every excavated area of Woods Canyon Pueblo,
a finding that indicates that basic domestic activities occurred throughout
the site, including in the rim complex. However, this finding leaves open
the possibility that certain activities that do not leave significant
artifactual traces, especially ritual activities, occurred only in certain
areas.
141
Despite this qualitative similarity, there is quantitative variation
in assemblage composition at Woods Canyon Pueblo. Two points are worth
emphasizing. First, the two early Pueblo III areas of the village, Areas
1 and 2, do not appear as outliers in the box plots for any artifact category,
whereas Areas 3, 5, 6, and 7 all appear as outliers in at least one distribution.
This may be because the largest artifact assemblages were recovered from
the early Pueblo III areas; that is, sampling error is responsible for
the outlier values from other areas with smaller sample sizes. Alternatively,
it may be that households became more specialized and interdependent as
Woods Canyon Pueblo became a community center during the late Pueblo III
period, leading to greater inter-area variation in artifact assemblage
composition.
142
Second, ground-stone tools and peckingstones, both of which were
involved in grinding corn into meal, are unusually abundant in Area 7,
which includes the two small, household kivas, a D-shaped structure, and
an enclosed plaza in the rim complex. Ground-stone tools were also unusually
abundant in trash deposits associated with a kiva inside a D-shaped enclosure
at Castle Rock Pueblo (Ortman 2000*2:par. 164),
and two-hand manos from the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo exhibited
more intensive use wear than did manos from other parts of that village
(Fratt 1997*1:248). Based on
this latter finding, Fratt (1997*1)
argues that inhabitants of the D-shaped structure at Sand Canyon Pueblo
produced more cornmeal than the average household, perhaps for ceremonial
consumption. The fact that discarded corn-grinding tools are associated
with D-shaped structures in three different late Pueblo III villages may
be evidence of organizational continuities across communities in the central
Mesa Verde region. It is also interesting that there is no corresponding
evidence of increased cooking activity in the rim complex at Woods Canyon,
raising the possibility that the additional cornmeal produced in this
area was used for ritual purposes.
Correspondence Analysis of Artifact Counts by Site Area
143
Correspondence analysis is a multivariate analytical technique
that produces the best possible projection of multivariate data onto two
axes, so that the degree of relationship between cases and variables can
be examined visually (Baxter 1994*1:Chp.
5). Figure 17 presents correspondence
analysis results for the data in Table
54. Counts are appropriate input data for this type of analysis because
the technique takes sample size into account in such a way that larger
collections and more common categories exert a greater effect on the placement
of variables and cases on the resultant axes. The first two axes produced
account for almost 90 percent of the total variation or inertia in the
input data.
144
The results of correspondence analysis do not add significantly
to our understanding of intrasite variation in artifact assemblages at
Woods Canyon Pueblo. Areas 5 and 7 are plotted fairly close to ground-stone
tools, peckingstones, cores, and chipped-stone debris. Areas 1, 2, 4,
and 6 are placed close to the center of the plot, suggesting that they
possess typical artifact assemblages. Area 3 is clearly distinguished
from the other areas. Examination of the frequency data in Table
55 suggests that this distinctiveness is due to an anomalously high
percentage of corrugated jars. It is unclear why corrugated jar sherds
should be so anomalously abundant or other common artifacts so anomalously
rare in this area.
Analysis of Artifact Densities in Kiva Fill and Roof-Fall Deposits
145
This section examines the density of artifacts in the postabandonment
fill and roof-fall deposits in the tested kivas at Woods Canyon Pueblo.
Eight of the nine roofs of the tested kivas are interpreted to have been
at least partly dismantled when their inhabitants moved out of the structures.
When the roofs were dismantled, artifacts lying on the kiva courtyard
surfaces would have fallen into the structures, along with unsalvaged
roofing material. In addition, the collapse of roofs into subterranean
kivas would have created natural sinks where postabandonment deposits
could have accumulated. Finally, in some cases at other sites, kiva depressions
were used as trash dumps or were filled intentionally. Each of these processes
introduced artifacts into the deposits that filled abandoned kivas at
the site. Analysis of artifact densities in these deposits may provide
evidence of one or more of these processes.
146
Elevations and profile maps were used were used to calculate the
volume of excavated fill and roof-fall deposits in each tested kiva at
Woods Canyon Pueblo, and the total number of artifacts in each of these
deposits was also calculated. These data are presented in Table
56, along with information on the temporal component, roof treatment,
test-pit locations, and depositional setting of each tested structure.
Figure 18 compares the fill
and roof-fall artifact densities from these structures and illustrates
that there is little correlation between the two. This suggests that different
processes were responsible for the accumulation of artifacts in these
two kinds of deposits. In most cases, artifact densities in fill deposits
were below 300 artifacts per cubic meter, in the range that Varien
(1999*1:Chp. 6) interpreted as typical of naturally collapsing and
filling pit structures. The artifact density in the fill of Structure
9-S, however, is much higher. The excavators identified occupational deposits
(Nonstructure 1-N) directly overlying the fill of this early Pueblo III
structure, and this might have been the source of these artifacts. In
contrast, two categories are suggested by the densities of artifacts in
roof-fall deposits: one group consists of structures with roof-fall artifact
densities below 200 artifacts per cubic meter, and the second group consists
of structures with densities of between 350 and 500 artifacts per cubic
meter.
147
Figure 19 examines
the fill artifact data more closely by comparing the number of artifacts
in fill with the volume of fill excavated in each structure. The points
defined by these data are labeled according to the depositional setting
of each structure, as reported in Table
56. The linear-regression line shows that there is a positive relationship
between the volume of fill excavated and the number of artifacts recovered;
however, it is also apparent that for a given volume of excavated fill,
structures located in high-deposition environments, such as talus slope
benches and bases, tend to have more artifacts than structures located
in low-deposition environments, such as the canyon rim, the base of the
cliff, and areas immediately downslope of large boulders. Depositional
environment appears to be a more significant factor than time period in
accounting for the density of fill artifacts, since early Structures 1-S
and 9-S are above the regression line while Structures 2-S and 3-S are
below it.
148
Figure 20 examines
the roof-fall artifact data more closely by comparing the number of roof-fall
artifacts with the volume of roof-fall excavated in each structure. The
points defined by these data are labeled according to the location of
the test pit within each structure, as reported in Table
56 (specifically, the test pits in which structure walls were discovered
are distinguished from those in which walls were not found). The linear-regression
analysis shows that, once again, there is a positive relationship between
the volume of roof fall excavated and the number of artifacts recovered.
However, in this case, roof-fall deposits located close to walls contain
more artifacts per cubic meter than do roof-fall deposits in the centers
of structures: all the test pits in which structure walls were exposed
fall above the regression line; all the test pits in which walls were
not exposed fall below this line. The density of roof-fall artifacts appears
to relate more to the placement of test pits within structures than to
time period, since early Structures 2-S and 3-S are below the regression
line and late Structures 1-S and 9-S are above it. Roof-fall artifacts
also appear to be more strongly correlated with test-pit placement than
with depositional setting, since Structure 8-S, in a low-deposition setting,
is above the regression line, whereas Structure 5-S, in a high-deposition
setting, is below it.
149
Table 57 uses t-tests
to examine the likelihood that sampling error accounts for the differences
in fill and roof-fall artifact densities across the tested kivas under
several different models that could account for these differences. The
results of these tests suggest that depositional setting better accounts
for variation in fill artifact density than does period of occupation,
and that the location of the test pit within each structure better accounts
for roof-fall artifact density than does period of occupation or depositional
setting. Figure 21 separates
the densities of pottery sherds, chipped-stone debris, and other artifacts
across the tested-structure fills and illustrates that kiva depressions
in high-deposition environments tended to accumulate more of all three
kinds of artifacts than did structures in low-deposition environments.
Figure 22 presents these
same data for roof-fall deposits, which clearly show the effect of test-pit
placement on roof-fall artifact densities.
150
One possible explanation for the increased artifact density of
roof-fall deposits close to structure walls relates to the effects of
kiva-courtyard maintenance. Ethnographic studies of the ways village agriculturalists
maintain their houses suggest that work areas were periodically swept
to remove debris and keep the area safe and clean (Arnold
1990*1; Hayden and Cannon 1983*1).
Varien (1999*2:Chp. 22) has
observed that, when the pattern is not obscured by natural post-depositional
processes, a "toft" zone exhibiting a relatively high density of artifacts
can be seen on the modern ground surface around the kiva depressions of
Mesa Verde Pueblo sites. This suggests that kiva roof–courtyards
were maintained work areas. If so, the elevated artifact density of roof-fall
deposits close to walls in abandoned kivas with dismantled roofs could
have resulted from artifacts accumulating around the edges of kiva courtyards
during the Puebloan occupation, and then falling or eroding into these
structures as the roofs were dismantled.
151
The artifacts recovered from excavations at Woods Canyon Pueblo
indicate that this site was occupied throughout the Pueblo III period
(A.D. 1140–1280) and grew into a community center during the A.D.
1200s. Pottery sherds classified as Basketmaker III and Pueblo I period
types were too rare to suggest habitation of the site area during these
periods. Sherds classified as Mancos Black-on-white were recovered in
sufficient quantity to suggest some use of the site area during the late
Pueblo II period, but for a number of reasons outlined in the discussion
of site components (paragraphs 9–23), it is
argued that these sherds do not indicate significant occupation. Tree-ring,
structure location, pottery, architecture, and structure-abandonment data
all support the identification of early and late Pueblo III components
at the site (see "Chronology,"
this report).
152
Division of the site collections into two temporal components made
possible an examination of changes in artifacts associated with the development
of Woods Canyon Pueblo as a community center during the final decades
of Pueblo occupation in the central Mesa Verde region. Most of the significant
findings presented in this report relate to differences noted between
the early and late Pueblo III components. Each of these findings is discussed
in further detail in the relevant previous sections.
153
A much higher percentage of the white ware pottery found at Woods
Canyon Pueblo was decorated using mineral paint than is common in contemporaneous
sites to the south and east. It appears that during the Pueblo III period
there was a gradient along which the use of mineral paint increased as
one traveled north and west from Mesa Verde proper. It is possible that
analysts accustomed to the near-absence of mineral-painted sherds in Pueblo
III sites in the Sand Canyon locality introduced bias into the analysis
of sherds from Woods Canyon, which led to the misidentification of some
mineral-painted Pueblo III sherds as Pueblo II types.
154
Pottery sherd and rim-arc data suggest that as Woods Canyon Pueblo
became a community center, more and larger corrugated cooking pots were
used in preparing meals. Two distinct sizes of serving bowl also developed,
with large bowls becoming more common. Finally, larger white ware serving
bowls appear to have been decorated more often on their exteriors, suggesting
that they were viewed more often from the side. These data all suggest
increased preparation and consumption of communal meals during the late
Pueblo III occupation of the pueblo, a pattern that has also been noted
at other late Pueblo III community centers (see Ortman
2000*2).
155
There is abundant evidence that white ware pottery vessels were
manufactured by many different inhabitants of Woods Canyon Pueblo, but
no clear evidence of corrugated pottery manufacture was found. Also, more
corrugated than white ware vessels deposited at Woods Canyon were tempered
with igneous rock that is not available within an easy walking distance
from the site. These igneous-tempered cooking pots may have functioned
better or lasted longer than cooking pots tempered with locally available
sedimentary materials. Taken together, these data raise the possibility
of specialized production and exchange of corrugated cooking pots at sites
located closer to sources of igneous rock, or at least trade in the rock
itself. In contrast, it appears that white ware exchange was less structured
and probably took the form of gift exchange between friends and relatives
living in nearby settlements.
156
Size distributions of chipped-stone debris suggest that primary-core
reduction using locally available materials to make expedient core and
flake tools was the primary mode of chipped-stone reduction at Woods Canyon
Pueblo. It also appears that during the final decades of occupation local
raw materials were reduced more intensively within the village than at
locations outside the village. Resource depletion or an increasingly hostile
social landscape may have been responsible for these changes.
157
Objects made of nonlocal materials were even more rare at Woods
Canyon Pueblo than at Castle Rock Pueblo, and the frequency of such objects
decreased during the final decades of occupation. This evidence of minimal
interaction with peoples living outside the central Mesa Verde region
may be explained by the location of Woods Canyon Pueblo in the center
of a dense cluster of Pueblo III villages and away from natural travel
corridors to the south, east, and west. All objects of nonlocal material,
with the exception of a single marine shell, are traceable to areas where
other ancient Pueblo communities existed; there is no evidence of interaction
with contemporaneous, non-Pueblo peoples to the north.
158
Artifacts left on the floors of the tested kivas at Woods Canyon
suggest that the late Pueblo III occupants moved far away and did not
plan to return, as is believed to have occurred during the final emigrations
of Pueblo people from the central Mesa Verde region. In contrast, it appears
that the early Pueblo III occupants moved close by and returned often
enough to take usable artifacts to their new homes, which in some cases
were probably built just upslope, within the boundaries of the village.
159
Differences in the relative percentages of common artifact types
across the seven excavated areas of the pueblo may indicate increasing
specialization of tasks over the course of the Pueblo III period, although
sampling error may also be responsible for this variation. For example,
the clustering of worked bone tools in Area 5 may indicate that a specialist
weaver or basketmaker lived in the village during the late Pueblo III
period. Also, despite clear evidence that basic, domestic activities occurred
throughout the village, the relative abundance of corn-grinding tools
in the rim complex suggests that more cornmeal was prepared in this area
than in other parts of the village. The two kiva suites (or houses) identified
in the rim complex are associated with a D-shaped structure. Kiva suites
associated with D-shaped structures at Sand Canyon and Castle Rock pueblos
also appear to be linked with increased corn grinding, suggesting that
preparation of cornmeal was an important activity tied to whatever status
was signaled by a D-shaped building.
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Finally, it appears that the density of artifacts in dismantled roof deposits
in kivas is higher adjacent to structure walls than it is in more central
areas. This pattern may have resulted from the routine sweeping of kiva
courtyards during the occupation, which would have concentrated small
artifacts around the perimeter of the kiva courtyard. These artifacts
would have been incorporated into the roof-fall deposits when the roof
and courtyard were dismantled at abandonment.
1The "finish" field in the Crow Canyon pottery database is used to record paint type on white ware sherds and the presence or absence of slip on red ware sherds. Thus, when discussing white ware sherds, "finish" refers to paint type.
Copyright © 2002 by Crow Canyon Archaeological Center. All rights reserved.